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Dhammapada. English 
The Dhammapada 

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Part I. The Dhammapada 
Part II. The Sutta-Nipata 













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[All rights reserved] 


Introduction to the Dhammapada 



Chapter 1. 

The Twin-verses ...... :^ 



On Earnestness . 












The Fool . 




The Wise Man (Paw^ita) 

• 23 



The Venerable (Arhat) 

• 27 



The Thousands . 

• 31 



Evil .... 

• 34 



Punishment . 

. 36 



Old Age 

. 41 



Self .... 




The World . 

• 47 



The Buddha (the Awakened) 

• 49 



Happiness . 

• 53 











Impurity .... 




The Just . 




The Way .... 








The Downward Course 




The Elephant 




Thirst .... 




The Bhikshu (Mendicant) . 





The Brahmawa (Arhat) . 


Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the 
Translations of the Sacred Books of the East (see the 
end of this volume) ^^^ 

p EI IT c !]'::: ■ ^• 





The Dhammapada, a Canonical Book. 

The Dhammapada forms part of the Pah Buddhist canon, 
though its exact place varies according to different authori- 
ties, and we have not as yet a sufficient number of complete 
MSS. of the Tipi/aka to help us to decide the question \ 

Those who divide that canon into three Pi/akas or 
baskets, the Vinaya-pi^"aka, Sutta-pi/aka, and Abhidham- 
ma-pi/aka, assign the Dhammapada to the Sutta-pi/aka. 
That Pi/aka consists of five Nikayas : the Digha-nikaya, 
the Ma^^//ima-nikaya, the Sa;«yutta-nikaya, the Anguttara- 
nikaya, and the Khuddaka-nikaya. The fifth, or Khuddaka- 
nikaya, comprehends the following works : i. Khuddaka- 
pa//^a; 3. DHAMMAPADA; 3. Udana ; 4. Itivuttaka; 5. Sutta- 
nipata ; 6. Vimanavatthu ; 7. Petavatthu ; 8. Theragatha ; 
9.Therigatha; 10. 6^ataka ; ii.Niddesa; 12. Pa/isambhida; 
13. Apadana; 14. Buddhavawsa ; 15. /fariya-pi/aka. 

According to another division ^, however, the whole Bud- 
dhist canon consists of five Nikayas : the Digha-nikaya, the 
Ma^^^ima-nikaya, the Sa;;^yutta-nikayaj the Aiiguttara- 
nikaya, and the fifth, the Khuddaka-nikaya, which Khud- 
daka-nikaya is then made to comprehend the whole of 
the Vinaya (discipline) and Abhidhamma (metaphysics), 
together with the fifteen books beginning with the Khud- 

The order of these fifteen books varies, and even, as 
it would seem, their number. The Dighabha;/aka school 

1 See Peer, Journal Asiatique, 1871, p. 263. There is now at least one com- 
plete MS. of the Tipi^aka, the Phayre MS., at the India Office, and Professor 
Forchhammer has just published a most useful List of Pdli MSS., collected in 
Burma, the largest collection hitherto known. 

2 See Childers, s. v. Nikaya, and extracts from Buddhaghosa's comment.ary 
on the Brahmag-ala-sutta. 


admits twelve books only, and assigns them all to the Abhi- 
dhamma, while the Ma^^/nmabha;/akas admit fifteen books, 
and assign them to the Sutta-pi/aka. The order of the 
fifteen books is: i. 6^ataka [lo] ; 2. Mahaniddesa [n]; 
3. ATullaniddesa [n]; 4- Pa/isambhidamagga [12] ; 5. Sutta- 
nipata [5] ; 6. DHAMMAPADA [2] ; 7. Udana [3] ; 8. Iti- 
vuttaka [4] ; 9. Vimanavatthu [6] ; 10. Petavatthu [7] ; 
II. Theragatha [8]; 12. Therigatha [9]; 13. Kaviya.- 
pi/aka [15] ; 14. Apadana [13] ; 15. Buddhava;«sa [14] \ 

The Khuddaka-pa///a is left out in the second list, and 
the number is brought to fifteen by dividing Niddesa into 
Maha-niddesa and iTulla-niddesa. 

There is a commentary on the Dhammapada in Pali, 
and supposed to be written by Buddhaghosa ^, in the first 
half of the fifth century A.D. In explaining the verses of the 
Dhammapada, the commentator gives for every or nearly 
every verse a parable to illustrate its meaning, which is 
likewise believed to have been uttered by Buddha in his 
intercourse with his disciples, or in preaching to the multi- 
tudes that came to hear him. 

Date of the Dhammapada. 
The only means of fixing the date of the Dhammapada 
is trying to ascertain the date of the Buddhist canon 
of which it forms a part, or the date of Buddhaghosa, 
who wrote a commentary on it. This, however, is by no 
means easy, and the evidence on which we have to rely is 
such that we must not be surprised if those who are 
accustomed to test historical and chronological evidence 

* The figures within brackets refer to the other list of books in the Khud- 
daka-nikaya. See also p. xxviii. 

* M. Leon Feer in the Journal Asiatique, 1871, p. 266, mentions another com- 
mentary of a more philosophical character, equally ascribed to Buddhaghosa, 
and having the title Vivara Bra Dhammapada, i. e. L'auguste Dhammapada 
devoile. Professor Forchhammer in his 'List of Manuscripts,' 1879-80, men- 
tions the following works in connection with the Dhammapada : Dhammapada- 
Nissayo ; Dh. P. A^Aakatha by Buddhaghosa ; Dh. P. Attha.ka.tha. Nissayo, 
3 vols., containing a complete translation of the commentary ; Dh. P. Yattku. 
Of printed books he quotes : Kayanupassanakyam, a work based on the 
Garavaggo, Mandalay, 1876 (390 pages), and Dhammapada-desanakyam, 
printed in ' British Burma News.' 


in Greece and Rome, decline to be convinced by it. As 
a general rule, I quite agree that we cannot be too sceptical 
in assigning a date to ancient books, particularly if we 
intend to use them as documents for tracing the history 
of human thought. To the initiated, I mean to those who 
have themselves worked in the mines of ancient Oriental 
literature, such extreme scepticism may often seem un- 
scientific and uncalled for. They are more or less aware 
of hundreds of arguments, each by itself, it may be, of 
small weight, but all combined proving irresistible. They 
are conscious, too, of having been constantly on the look 
out for danger, and, as all has gone on smoothly, they feel 
sure that, in the main, they are on the right road. Still it is 
always useful to be as incredulous as possible, particularly 
against oneself, and to have before our eyes critics who will 
not yield one inch beyond what they are forced to yield by 
the strongest pressure of facts. 

The age of our MSS. of the canonical books, either in 
Pdli or Sanskrit, is of no help to us. All Indian MSS. are 
comparatively modern, and one who has probably handled 
more Indian MSS. than anybody else, Mr. A. Burnell, 
has lately expressed his conviction that 'no MS. written 
one thousand years ago is now existent in India, and that 
it is almost impossible to find one written five hundred 
years ago, for most MSS. which claim to be of that date 
are merely copies of old MSS. the dates of which are 
repeated by the copyists ^.' 

Nor is the language, whether Sanskrit or Pali, a safe 
guide for fixing dates. Both languages continue to be 
written to our own time, and though there are some 
characteristic marks to distinguish more modern from more 
ancient Buddhist Sanskrit and Pali, this branch of critical 
scholarship requires to be cultivated far more extensively 
and accurately before true scholars would venture to fix the 
date of a Sanskrit or Pali text on the strength of linguistic 
evidence alone ^. 

1 Indian Antiquary, 1880, p. 233. _ 

« See some important remarks on this subject in Fausboll's Introduction to 
Sutta-nipata, p. xi. 


The Buddhists themselves have no difficulty in assigning 
a date to their sacred canon. They are told in that canon 
itself that it was settled at the First Council, or immediately 
after the death of Buddha, and they believe that it was 
afterwards handed down by means of oral tradition, or 
actually written down in books by order of Kaj-yapa, the 
president of the First Council ^ Buddhaghosa, a learned 
and in some respects a critical scholar, living in the be- 
ginning of the fifth century A.D., asserts that the canon 
which he had before him, was the same as that fixed by 
the First Council ^. 

Several European students have adopted the same 
opinion, and, so far as I know, no argument has yet been 
advanced showing the impossibility of the native view, 
that some collection of Buddha's doctrines was made im- 
mediately after his death at Ra^agaha, and that it was 
finally settled at what is called the Second Council, or the 
Council of Vesali. But what is not impossible is not there- 
fore true, nor can anything be gained by appealing to later 
witnesses, such as, for instance, Hiouen Thsang, who tra- 
velled through India in the seventh century, and wrote 
down anything that he could learn, little concerned whether 
one statement tallied with the other or not ^. He says that 
the Tipi/aka was written down on palm leaves by Kaj-yapa 
at the end of the First Council. But what can be the weight 
of such a witness, living more than a thousand years after 
the event, compared with that, for instance, of the Maha- 
vawsa, which dates from the fifth century of our era, and 

^ Bigandet, Life of Gaudama (Rangoon, 1866), p. 350 ; but also p. 120 note. 

* See Childers, s. v. Tipi/aka. There is a curious passage in Buddhaghosa's 
account of the P'irst Council. ' Now one may ask,' he says, ' Is there or is there 
not in this first Parag-ika anything to be taken away or added ? ' I reply, There 
is nothing in the words of the Blessed Buddha that can be taken away, for the 
Buddhas speak not even a single syllable in vain, yet in the words of disciples 
and devatas there are things which may be omitted, and these the elders who 
made the recension, did omit. On the other hand, additions are everywhere 
necessary, and accordingly, whenever it was necessary to add anything, they 
added it. If it be asked. What are the additions referred to ? I reply. Only 
sentences necessary to connect the text, as ' at that time,' ' again at that time,' 
' and so forth.' 

^ Pelerins Bouddhistes, vol. i. p. 15S. 


tells us in the account of Mahinda's missionary journey 
to Ceylon (241/318), that the son of Asoka had to spend 
three years in learning the Tipi/'aka by heart from the 
mouth of a teacher ^ ? No mention is then made of any 
books or MSS., when it would have been most natural to 
do so 2. At a later time, during the reign of King Va//aga- 
mani^ (88-76 B.C.), the same chronicle, the Mahava;;zsa, tells 
us that ' the profoundly wise priests had theretofore orally 
(mukhapa//^ena) perpetuated the Pali of the Pi/akattaya 
and its A^*///akatha (commentary), but that at this period the 
priests, foreseeing the perdition of the people assembled, 
and in order that the religion might endure for ages, re- 
corded the same in books (potthakesu likhapayuw)''.' 

No one has yet questioned the dates of the Dipava;;^sa, 
about 400 A.D., or of the first part of the Mah^vamsa., 
between 459-477 a. d., and though no doubt there is an 
interval of nearly 600 years between the composition of 
the Mahavawsa and the recorded writing down of the 
Buddhist canon under Va//agamani, yet we must remember 
that the Ceylonese chronicles were confessedly founded on 
an older A/^//akatha preserved in the monasteries of the 
island, and representing an unbroken line of local tradition. 

My own argument therefore, so long as the question was 
only whether we could assign a pre-Christian date to the 
Pali Buddhist canon, has always been this. We have 
the commentaries on the Pali canon translated from Sin- 
halese into Pali, or actually composed, it may be, by 
Buddhaghosa. Buddhaghosa confessedly consulted various 

» Mahava7wsa, p. 37 ; DipavawsaVII, 28-31 ; Buddhaghosha's Parables, p.xviii. 

^ Bigandet, Life of Gaudama, p. 351. 

s Dr. E. Muller (Indian Antiquary, Nov. 1880, p. 270) has discovered inscrip- 
tions in Ceylon, belonging to Devanapiya Maharaja Gami;ii Tissa, whom he 
identifies with Va^^agamani. 

* The same account is given in the Dipavawzsa XX, 20, and in the Sara- 
sangraha, as quoted by Spence Hardy, Legends, p. 192. As throwing light 
on the completeness of the Buddhist canon at the time of King Va//agamani. 
it should be mentioned that, according to the commentary on theMabavamsa 
(Tumour, p. liii), the sect of the Dhammaru^ikas established itself at the 
Abhayavihara, which had been constructed by Va^/agamani, and that one of 
the grounds of their secession was their refusing to acknowledge the Panvara 
(thus I read instead of Pariwana) as part of the Vinaya-pi/aka. Accordmg to 
the Dipava7Ksa (VII, 42) Mahinda knew the Parivara. 


MSS., and gives various readings, just as any modern 
scholar might do. This was in the beginning of the fifth 
century A.U., and there is nothing improbable, though I 
would say no more, in supposing that some of the MSS., 
consulted by Buddhaghosa, dated from the first century 
B.C., when Va//agamani ordered the sacred canon to be 
reduced to writing. 

There is one other event with reference to the existence 
of the sacred canon in Ceylon, recorded in the Mahava;;«sa, 
between the time of Buddhaghosa and Va//agamani, viz. 
the translation of the Suttas from Pali into the language of 
Ceylon, during the reign of Buddhadasa, 339-368 A. D. 
If MSS. of that ancient translation still existed, they would, 
no doubt, be very useful for determining the exact state 
of the Pali originals at that time ^. But even without them 
there seems no reason to doubt that Buddhaghosa had 
before him old MSS. of the Pali canon, and that these 
were in the main the same as those written down at the 
time of Va//agamani. 

Buddhaghosa's Age. 
The whole of this argument, however, rested on the 
supposition that Buddhaghosa's date in the beginning of 
the fifth century a. d. was beyond the reach of reasonable 
doubt. ' His age,' I had ventured to say in the Preface 
to Buddhaghosha's Parables (1870), 'can be fixed with 
greater accuracy than most dates in the literary history 
of India.' But soon after, one of our most celebrated Pali 
scholars, the great Russian traveller. Professor Joh. Minayefif, 
expressed in the Melanges Asiatiques (13/25 April, 1871) 
the gravest doubts as to Buddhaghosa's age, and thus 
threw the whole Buddhist chronology, so far as it had 
then been accepted by all, or nearly all scholars, back into 
chaos. He gave as his chief reason that Buddhaghosa was 
not, as I supposed, the contemporary of Mahanama, the 

^ A note is added, stating that several portions of the other two divi- 
sions also of the Pi/akattaya were translated into the Sinhalese language, and 
that these alone are consulted by the priests, who are unacquainted with Pali, 
On the other hand, it is stated that the Sinhalese text of the A^Aakatha exists 
no longer. See Spence Hardy, Legends, p. xxv, and p. 69. 


author of the Mahava;«sa, but of another Mahanama, the 
king of Ceylon. 

Professor MinayefF is undoubtedly right in this, but I am 
not aware that I, or anybody else, had ever questioned so 
palpable a fact. There are two Mahanamas ; one, the king 
who reigned from 410-433 A. D.; the other, the supposed 
author of the Mahavawsa, the uncle and protector of King 
Dhatusena, 459-477. ' Dhatusena,' I had written, ' was the 
nephew of the historian Mahanama, and owed the throne 
to the protection of his uncle. Dhatusena was in fact the 
restorer of a national dynasty, and after having defeated 
the foreign usurpers (the Damilo dynasty) " he restored the 
religion which had been set aside by the foreigners'" (Mahav. 
p. 356). Among his many pious acts it is particularly 
mentioned that he gave a thousand, and ordered the Dipa- 
va;«sa to be promulgated. As Mahanama was the uncle 
of Dhatusena, who reigned from 459-477, he may be con- 
sidered as a trustworthy witness with regard to events that 
occurred between 410 and 432. Now the literary activity of 
Buddhaghosa in Ceylon falls in that period \' 

These facts being admitted, it is surely not too great 
a stretch of probability to suppose, as I did, that a man 
whose nephew was king in 459-477, might have been 
alive in 410-433, that is to say, might have been a con- 
temporary of Buddhaghosa. I did not commit myself to 
any further theories. The question whether Mahanama, 
the uncle of Dhatusena, was really the author of the Maha- 
va;;^sa, the question whether he wrote the second half of 
the 37th chapter of that work, or broke off his chronicle in 
the middle of that chapter, I did not discuss, having no 
new materials to bring forward beyond those on which 
Tumour and those who followed him had founded their 
conclusions, and which I had discussed in my History of 
Sanskrit Literature (1859), p. 2,6y. All I said was, ' It is 
difficult to determine whether the 38th as well as the (whole 
of the) 37th chapter came from the pen of Mahanama, for 

1 ' Ungefahr 50 Jahre alter als Mahanama ist Buddhaghosha,' see Wester* 
gaard, tjber Buddha's Todesjahr, p. 99. 


the Mahavawsa was afterwards continued by different 
writers, even to the middle of the last century. But, 
taking into account all the circumstances of the case, it is 
most probable that Mahanama carried on the history to 
his own time, to the death of Dhatusena, 477 A.D.' 

What I meant by 'all the circumstances of the case' 
might easily be understood by any one who had read Tur- 
nour's Preface to the Mahava;«sa. Turnour himself thought 
at first that Mahinama's share in the Mahavaw^sa ended 
with the year 301 A.D., and that the rest of the work, called 
the Sulu Wans6, was composed by subsequent writers ^ 
Dharmakirti is mentioned by name as having continued 
the work to the reign of Prakrama Bahu (a.d. 1266). But 
Turnour afterwards changed his mind ^. Considering that 
the account of Mahasena's reign, the first of the Seven 
Kings, terminates in the middle of a chapter, at verse 48, 
while the whole chapter is called the Sattara^iko, ' the 
chapter of the Seven Kings,' he naturally supposed that 
the whole of that chapter, extending to the end of the reign 
of his nephew Dhatusena, might be the work of Mahanama, 
unless there were any strong proofs to the contrary. Such 
proofs, beyond the tradition of writers of the MSS., have 
not, as yet, been adduced ^. 

But even if it could be proved that Mahinama's own pen 
did not go beyond the 48th verse of the 37th chapter, the 
historical trustworthiness of the concluding portion of that 
chapter, containing the account of Buddhaghosa's literary 
activity, nay, even of the 38th chapter, would be little 
affected thereby. We know that both the Mahava;«sa 
and the somewhat earlier Dipava;;/sa were founded on the 
Sinhalese A///zakathis, the commentaries and chronicles 
preserved in the Mahivihara at Anuradhapura. We also 
know that that Vihara was demolished by Mahasena, and 
deserted by nearly all its inmates for the space of nine 
years (p. 235), and again for the space of nine months 

* Introduction, p. ii. The ^ulavawzsa is mentioned with the Mahavawsa, both 
as the works of Mahanama, by Professor Forchhammer in his List of Pali MSS. 

* Introduction, p. xci. 

' See Rhys Davids, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1875, p. 196. 


(p. 237). We can well understand therefore why the older 
history, the Dipavawsa, should end with the death of Maha- 
sena (died 302 A.D.), and why in the Mahavamsa too there 
should have been a break at that date. But we must not 
forget that, during Mahanama's life, the Mahavihara at 
Anuradhapura was restored, that some kind of chronicle, 
called the Dipavawsa, whether it be a general name of any 
' chronicle of the island,' or of our Dipavawsa, or, it may be, 
even of our Mahava;«sa, was ordered to be published or pro- 
mulgated (dipetum) under Dhatusena, the nephew and protege 
of Mahanama. Therefore, even if we do not insist on the 
personal authorship of Mahanama, we may certainly main- 
tain that historical entries had been made in the chronicles 
of Anuradhapura during Dhatusena's reign, and probably 
under the personal auspices of Mahanama, so that if we 
find afterwards, in the second half of the 37th chapter of 
his Mahavawsa, an account of events which had happened 
between the destruction of the Mahavihara and the reign 
of Dhatusena, and among them an account of so important 
an event as the arrival of Buddhaghosa from Magadha and 
his translation of the Sinhalese A////akatha into the lan- 
guage of Magadha, we may well suppose that they rest 
on the authority of native chronicles, written not long after 
the events, and that therefore, ' under all the circumstances 
of the case,' the age of Buddhaghosa can be fixed with 
greater accuracy than most dates in the literary history 
of India. 

There is one difficulty still remaining with regard to the 
date of the historian Mahanama which might have per- 
plexed Tumour's mind, and has certainly proved a stumbling- 
block to myself. Tumour thought that the author of the 
commentary on the Mahavawsa, the Vawsatthappakasini, 
was the same as the author of the Mahavawsa, viz. Maha- 
nama. The date of that commentary, however, as we know 
now, must be fixed much later, for it .speaks of a schism 
which took place in the year 601 A. D., during the rcign 
of Agrabodhi (also called Dhatapatisso). Tumour^ looked 

» Introduction, p. liii. 

[10] b 


upon that passage as a later interpolation, because he 
thought the evidence for the identity of the author and 
the commentator of the Mahavawsa too strong to be set 
aside. He trusted chiefly to a passage in the commentary, 
and if that passage had been correctly rendered, the con- 
clusion which he drew from it could hardly be resisted. 
We read in the Mahavawsa (p. 254) : 

' Certain members of the Moriyan dynasty, dreading the 
power of the (usurper) Subho, the balattho, had settled in 
various parts of the country, concealing themselves. Among 
them there was a certain landed proprietor Dhatusena, who 
had established himself at Nandivapi. His son named 
Dhita, who lived at the village Ambiliyago, had two sons, 
Dhatusena and Silatissabodhi, of unexceptional descent. 
Their mother's brother(Mahanama), devoted to the 
cause of religion, continued to reside (at Anura- 
dhapura) in his sacerdotal character, at the edifice 
built by the minister Dighasandana. The youth 
Dhatusena became a priest in his fraternity, and on a certain 
day, while he was chaunting at the foot of a tree, a shower 
of rain fell, and a Naga, seeing him there, encircled him in 
his folds, and covered him and his book with his hood. . . . 
Causing an image of Maha Mahinda to be made, and con- 
veying it to the edifice (Ambamalaka) in which the thera's 
body had been burnt, in order that he might celebrate 
a great festival there, and that he might also promul- 
gate the contents of the Dipavawsa, distributing 
a thousand pieces, he caused it to be read aloud ^.' 

If we compare with this extract from the Mahava;;/sa 
a passage from the commentary as translated by Turnour, 
we can well understand how he arrived at the conclusion 
that it was written by the same person who wrote the 

Turnour translates (p. liv) : 

' Upon these data by me, the thera, who had, with due 

* Mr. Turnour added a note in which he states that Dipavawsa is here meant 
for Mahavarasa, but whether brought down to this period, or only to the end of 
the reign of Mahasena, to which alone the T'ika extends, there is no means of 
ascertaining (p. 257). 


solemnity, been invested with the dignified title of Maha- 
nama, resident at the parive/^a founded by the 
minister Dighasandana, endowed with the capacity 
requisite to record the narrative comprised in the Maha- 
va/«sa, in due order, rejecting only the dialect in which 
the Singhalese A////akatha are written, but retaining their 
import and following their arrangement, the history, entitled 
the Palapad6ruva;;/sa (Padyapadanuva7;/sa), is compiled. 
As even in times when the despotism of the ruler of the 
land, and the horrors arising from the inclemencies of the 
seasons, and when panics of epidemics and other visitations 
prevailed, this work escaped all injury; and moreover, as 
it serves to perpetuate the fame of the Buddhas, their 
disciples, and the Pache Buddhas of old, it is also worthy 
of bearing the title of Vawsatthappakasini.' 

As the evidence of these two passages in support of the 
identity of the author and the commentator of the Maha- 
va;//sa seemed to me very startling, I requested Mr. Rhys 
Davids to copy for me the passage of the commentary. 

The passage runs as follows : 

Ya ettavata mahavaw/satthanusarakusalena Dighasanda- 
senapatina karapita-mahaparive/^avasina Mahanamo ti ga- 
ruhi gahitanamadheyyena therez/a pubba-Sihala-bhasitaya 
Sihala///^akathaya bhasantara;« eva va^iya atthasaram 
eva gahetva tantinayanurupena katassa imassa Padyapada- 
nuva;;^sassa atthava/zwana maya tam eva sannissitena 
araddha, padesissariya- dubbu///^ibhaya - rogabhayadi - vivi- 
dha-antaraya-yuttakale pi anantarayena ni^///anam upagata, 
sa buddha-buddhasavaka-pa/^/^ekabuddhadina;« porawana;;/ 
k\kka.i;i pubbavawsatthappakasanato aysnu Vawsatthappa- 
kasini nama ti dharetabba. . . . Padyapadanuva;«sa- 
vawwana Vawsatthappakasini ni////ita. 

Mr. Rhys Davids translates this : 

' The commentary on this Padyapadanuvawja, which (latter 
work) was made (in the same order and arrangement, and re- 
taining the sense, but rejecting the dialect, of the Sinhalese 
commentary formerly expressed in the Sinhalese tongue) 
by the elder who bore the name of Mahanama, which he had 

b 2 


received from the venerable, who resided at the Mahapari- 
veua built by the minister Dighasanda, and who was well 
able to conform to the sense of the Mahavawsa — (this com- 
mentary) which was undertaken by me out of devotion to 
that (history), and which (though thus undertaken) at a time 
full of danger of various kinds — such as the danger from 
disease, and the danger from drought, and the danger 
from the government of the province — has been safely 
brought to a conclusion — this (commentary), since it makes 
known the meaning of the history of old, the mission of 
the ancients, of the Buddhas, of their disciples, and of the 
Pa^X'eka Buddhas, should bear the name Va#/satthappa- 
kasini. . . . 
' End of the Va;//satthappakasini, the commentary on 
the Padyapadanuvawsa.' 

This shows clearly that Turnour made a mistake in trans- 
lating this exceedingly involved, yet perfectly intelligible, 
passage, and that so far from proving that the author of 
the commentary was the same person as the author of the 
text^, it proves the very contrary. Nay, I feel bound to 
add, that we might now argue that as the commentator 
must have lived later than 60 1 a. D., the fact that he too 
breaks oft" at verse 48 of chapter ^y, seems to show that at 
his time also the Mahavawsa did not extend as yet beyond 
that verse. But even then, the fact that with the restoration 
of the Mahavihara of Anuradhapuraan interest in historical 
studies revived in Ceylon, would clearly show that we may 
trust the date of Buddhaghosa, as fixed by the second part 
of the 37th chapter of the Mahavawsa, at all events till 
stronger evidence is brought forward against such a date. 

Now I am not aware of any such evidence ^, On the 
contrary, making allowance for a difference of some ten or 
twenty years, all the evidence which we can gain from 
other quarters tends to confirm the date of Buddha- 

' Dr. Oldenberg informs me that the commentator quotes various readings 
in the text of the Mahavamsa. 

" The passage, quoted by Professor Minayeff from the Sasanava.'^sa, would 
assign to Buddhaghosa the date of 930—543 = 387 a. d., which can easily be 
reconciled with his accepted date. If he is called the contemporary of Siripala, 
we ought to know who that Siripala is. 


ghosa^ I therefore feel no hesitation in here reprintinc,^ 
that story, as we find it in the Mahavawsa, not free from 
legendary ingredients, it is true, yet resting, I believe, on 
a sound foundation of historical fact. 

' A Brahman youth, born in the neighbourhood of the 
terrace of the great Bo-tree (in Magadha), accomplished in 
the "vi^^a" (knowledge) and "sippa" (art), who had achieved 
the knowledge of the three Vedas, and possessed great 
aptitude in attaining acquirements ; indefatigable as a 
schismatic disputant, and himself a schismatic wanderer 
over 6"ambudipa, established himself, in the character of 
a disputant, in a certain vihara 2, and was in the habit of 
rehearsing, by night and by day with clasped hands, a 
discourse which he had learned, perfect in all its com- 
ponent parts, and sustained throughout in the same lofty 
strain. A certain Mahathera, Revata, becoming acquainted 
with him there, and (saying to himself), "This individual is 
a person of profound knowledge, it will be worthy (of me) 
to convert him ; " enquired, " Who is this who is braying 
like an ass.^" The Brahman replied to him, "Thou canst 
define, then, the meaning conveyed in the bray of asses." 
On the Thera rejoining, " I can define it ; " he (the Brah- 
man) exhibited the extent of the knowledge he possessed. 
The Thera criticised each of his propositions, and pointed 
out in what respect they were fallacious. He who had 
been thus refuted, said, " Well, then, descend to thy own 
creed ; " and he propounded to him a passage from the 
Abhidhamma (of the Pi/akattaya). He (the Brahman) 
could not divine the signification of that passage, and 
enquired, "Whose manta is this.?" — "It is Buddha's manta." 
On his exclaiming, " Impart it to me ; " the Thera replied, 
"Enter the sacerdotal order." He who was desirous of 
acquiring the knowledge of the Pi/akattaya, subsequently 
coming to this conviction, " This is the sole road " (to sal- 
vation), became a convert to that faith. As he was as 
profound in his eloquence (ghosa) as Buddha himself, they 
conferred on him the appellation of Bud jha ghosa (the 

1 See Bigandet, Life of Gaudama, pp. 351, .^8i. 

^ On this vihara, its foundation and character, see OldeubL-rg, Viiaya, vol. i. 
p. liii ; Hiouen-thsang, III, p. 487 seq. 


voice of Buddha) ; and throughout the world he became as 
renowned as Buddha. Having there (in 6^ambudipa) com- 
posed an original work called iVanodaya (Rise of Know- 
ledge), he, at the same time, wrote the chapter called 
A///^asalini, on the Dhammasahgani (one of the commen- 
taries on the Abhidhamma). 

' Revata Thera then observing that he was desirous of 
undertaking the compilation of a general commentary 
on the Pi/akattaya, thus addressed him : " The text 
alone of the Pi/akattaya has been preserved in this land, 
the A////akatha are not extant here, nor is there any 
version to be found of the schisms (vada) complete. The 
Sinhalese A///^akatha are genuine. They were com- 
posed in the Sinhalese language by the inspired and pro- 
foundly wise Mahinda, who had previously consulted the 
discourses (kathamagga) of Buddha, authenticated at the 
three convocations, and the dissertations and arguments of 
Sariputta and others, and they are extant among the Sin- 
halese. Preparing for this, and studying the same, translate 
them according to the rules of the grammar of the Maga- 
dhas. It will be an act conducive to the welfare of the 
whole world." 

'Having been thus advised, this eminently wise personage 
rejoicing therein, departed from thence, and visited this 
island in the reign of this monarch (i.e. Mahanama, 410- 
432). On reaching the Mahavihara (at Anuradhapura), he 
entered the Mahapadhana hall, the most splendid of the 
apartments in the vihara, and listened to the Sinhalese 
A/Z/^akatha, and the Theravada, from the beginning to the 
end, propounded by the Thera Sahghapala ; and became 
thoroughly convinced that they conveyed the true meaning 
of the doctrines of the Lord of Dhamma. Thereupon 
paying reverential respect to the priesthood, he thus peti- 
tioned : " I am desirous of translating the A////akatha ; 
give me access to all your books." The priesthood, for the 
purpose of testing his qualifications, gave only two gathas, 
saying, " Hence prove thy qualification ; having satisfied 
ourselves on this point, we will then let thee have all our 
books.'" From these (taking these gatha for his text), and 


consulting the Pi/akattaya, together with the A////akatha, 
and condensing them into an abridged form, he composed 
the work called the Visuddhimagga. Thereupon, having 
assembled the priesthood, who had acquired a thorough 
knowledge of the doctrines of Buddha, at the Bo-tree, he 
commenced to read out the work he had composed. The 
devatas, in order that they might make his (Buddhaghosa's) 
gifts of wisdom celebrated among men, rendered that book 
invisible. He, however, for a second and third time re- 
composed it. When he was in the act of producing his 
book for the third time, for the purpose of propounding it, 
the devatas restored the other two copies also. The assem- 
bled priests then read out the three books simultaneously. 
In those three versions there was no variation whatever 
from the orthodox Theravadas in passages, in words, or in 
syllables. Thereupon, the priesthood rejoicing, again and 
again fervently shouted forth, saying, " Most assuredly 
this is Metteya (Buddha) himself," and made over to him 
the books in which the Pi/akattaya were recorded, together 
with the A///^akatha. Taking up his residence in the 
secluded Ganthakara-vihara (at Anuradhapura), he trans- 
lated, according to the grammatical rules of the Maga- 
dhas, which is the root of all languages, the whole of the 
Sinhalese A////akatha (into Pali), This proved an achieve- 
ment of the utmost consequence to all beings, whatever 
their language. 

'All the Theras and A/^ariyas held this compilation in 
the same estimation as the text (of the Pi/akattaya). There- 
after, the objects of his mission having been fulfilled, he 
returned to 6^ambudipa, to worship at the Bo-tree (at Uru- 
velaya, or Uruvilva, in Magadha).' 

Here ^ we have a simple account of Buddhaghosa ^ and 

• Mahavawsa, p. 250, translated by Tumour. 

2 The Burmese entertain the highest respect for Buddhaghosa. Bishop 
Bigandet, in his Life or Legend of Gaudama (Rangoon, 1S66), writes: 'It is 
perhaps as well to mention here an epoch which has been, at all times, famous 
in the history of Budhism in Burma. I allude to the voyage which a Religious 
of Thaton, named Budhagosa, made to Ceylon, in the year of religion 943 = 400 
A D The object of this voyage was to procure a copy of the scriptures. He 
succeeded in his undertaking. He made use of the Burmese, or rather Talaing 


his literary labours written by a man, himself a priest, 
and who may well have known Buddhaghosa during his 
stay in Ceylon. It is true that the statement of his writing 
the same book three times over without a single various 
reading, partakes a little of the miraculous ; but we find 
similar legends mixed up with accounts of translations 
of other sacred books, and we cannot contend that writers 
who believed in such legends are therefore altogether 
unworthy to be believed as historical witnesses. 

But although the date which we can assign to Buddha- 
ghosa's translation of the commentaries on the Pali Tipi- 
/aka proves the existence of that canon, not only for the 
beginning of the fifth century of our era, but likewise, though 
it may be, with less stringency, for the first century before 
our era, the time of Va//agamani, the question whether Bud- 
dhaghosa was merely a compiler and translator of old com- 
mentaries and more particularly of the commentaries brought 
to Ceylon by Mahinda (241 B.C.), or whether he added any- 
thing of his own ^, requires to be more carefully examined. 
The Buddhists themselves have no difficulty on that point. 
They consider the A///zakathas or commentaries as old as 
the canon itself. To us, such a supposition seems impro- 
bable, yet it has never been proved to be impossible. The 
Mahavawsa tells us that Mahinda, the son of Asoka, who 
had become a priest, learnt the whole of the Buddhist 
canon, as it then was, in three years (p. SJ}^; and that 
at the end of the Third Council he was despatched to 
Ceylon, in order to establish there the religion of Buddha 
(p. 71). The king of Ceylon, Devanampiya Tissa, was 
converted, and Buddhism soon became the dominant 

characters, in transcribing the manuscripts, which were written with the cha- 
racters of Magatha. The Burmans lay much stress upon that voyage, and 
always carefully note down the year it took place. In fact, it is to Budhagosa 
that the people living on the shores of the Gulf of Martaban owe the pos- 
ses^ion of the Budhist scriptures. From Thaton, the collection made by Budha- 
gosa was transferred to Pagan, six hundred and fifty years after it had been 
imported from Ceylon.' See ibid. p. 392. 

* He had written the iVanodaya, and the A^/Aasalini, a commentary on the 
D:inmma-sanga«i, before he went to Ceylon. Cf. Mahavawsa, p. 251. 

* He learnt the five Nikayas, and the seven sections (of the Abhidhamma) ; 
the two Vibhangas of the Vinaya, the Purivara and the Khandhaka. See 
Dipavawsa VH, 42. 


religion of the island. The Tipi/'aka and the A////akatha, 
such as they had been collected or settled at the Third 
Council in 242 B.C., were brought to Ceylon by Mahinda, 
who promulgated them orally, the Tipi/aka in Pali, the 
A/Makatha in Sinhalese, together with an additional 
A///^akatha of his own. It does not follow that Mahinda 
knew the whole of that enormous literature by heart, for, as 
he was supported by a number of priests, they may well 
have divided the different sections among them, following 
the example of Ananda and Upali at the First Council. 
The same applies to their disciples also. But the fact of 
their transmitting the sacred literature by oral tradition^ was 
evidently quite familiar to the author of the Mahava;«sa. 
For when he comes to describe the reign of VaZ/agamani 
(88-76 B.C.) he simply says : 'The profoundly wise priests 
had heretofore orally perpetuated the Pali Pi/akattaya and 
its A///^akatha (commentaries). At this period these priests, 
foreseeing the perdition of the people (from the perversions 
of the true doctrines), assembled ; and in order that the reli- 
gion might endure for ages, wrote the same in books.' No 
valid objection has yet been advanced to our accepting 
Buddhaghosa's A///^akathas as a translation and new re- 
daction of the A////akathas which were reduced to writing 
under Va//agamani 2, and these again as a translation of the 
old A///zakathas brought to Ceylon by Mahinda ^ There 
is prima facie evidence in favour of the truth of historical 
events vouched for by such works as the Dipavawzsa and 
the Mahavawsa so far back at least as Mahinda, because 
we know that historical events were recorded in the 
monasteries of Ceylon long before Mahanama's time. 
Beyond Mahinda we move in legendary history, and must 
be ready to surrender every name and every date as soon 
as rebutting evidence has been produced, but not till then. 
I cannot, therefore, see any reason why we should not 
treat the verses of the Dhammapada, if not as the utter- 
ances of Buddha, at least as what were believed by the 

1 On the importance of oral tradition in the history of Sanskrit literature see 
the writer's Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 1859, pp. 49 7-5 M- ^ 

^ Mahavamsa, p. 207; Dipava;«sa XX, 20. => Mahavamsa, p. 25.. 


members of the Council under Ai-oka, in 242 B.C., to have 
been the utterances of the founder of their rehgion; nor can 
I see that Professor Minayeff has shaken the date of Bud- 
dhaghosa and the general credibility of the Ceylonese tradi- 
tion, that he was the translator and editor of commentaries 
which had existed in the island for many centuries, 
whether from the time of Va//agamani or from the time 
of Mahinda. 

Date of the Buddhist Canon. 

We now return to the question of the date of the Bud- 
dhist canon, which, as yet, we have only traced back to the 
first century before Christ, when it was reduced to writing in 
Ceylon under King Va//agamani. The question is, how far 
beyond that date we may trace its existence in a collected 
form, or in the form of the three Pi/akas or baskets. There 
may be, and we shall see that there is, some doubt as to the 
age of certain works, now incorporated in the Tipi/aka. We 
are told, for instance, that some doubt attached to the canon- 
icity of the iTariya-pi/aka, the Apadana, and the Buddha- 
va;;/sa\ and there is another book of the Abhidham ma- 
pi /aka, the Kathavatthu, which was reported to be the work 
of Tissa Moggaliputta, the president of the Third Council. 
Childers, s. v., stated that it was composed by the apostle 
Moggaliputtatissa, and delivered by him at the Third 
Mahasaiigiti. The same scholar, however, withdrew this 
opinion on p. 507 of his valuable Dictionary, where he says: 
' It is a source of great regret to me that in my article 
on Kathavatthuppakara;/a;;/ I inadvertently followed James 
D'Alwis in the stupendous blunder of his assertion that the 
Kathavatthu was added by Moggaliputtatissa' at the Third 
Convocation. The Kathavatthu is one of the Abhidhamma 
books, mentioned by Buddhaghosa as having been rehearsed 
at the First Convocation, immediately after Gotama's death ; 
and the passage in Maheivawsa upon which D'Alwis rests 
his assertion is as follows, Kathavatthuppakarara;^a;;/ para- 
vadappamaddana;/? abhasi Tissatthero kd. tasmi;« sahgiti- 
maw^ale, which simply means ' in that Convocation-assem- 

1 See Childers, s. v. Nikaya. 


bly the Thera Tissa also recited (Buddha's) heresy-crushing 

This mistake, for I quite agree with Childers that it was 
a mistake, becomes however less stupendous than at first 
sight it would appear, when we read the account given in 
the Dipavawsa. Here the impression is easily conveyed 
that Moggaliputta was the author of the Kathavatthu, and 
that he recited it for the first time at the Third Council. 
' Wise Moggaliputta,' we read \ ' the destroyer of the 
schismatic doctrines, firmly established the Theravada, and 
held the Third Council. Having destroyed the different 
(heretical) doctrines, and subdued many shameless people, 
and restored splendour to the (true) faith, he proclaimed 
(pakasayi) (the treatise called) Kathavatthu.' And again : 
'They all were sectarians^, opposed to the Theravada; and 
in order to annihilate them and to make his own doctrine 
resplendent, the Thera set forth (desesi) the treatise belong- 
ing to the Abhidhamma, which is called Kathavatthu^.' 

At present, however, we are not concerned with these 
smaller questions. We treat the canon as a whole, divided 
into three parts, and containing the books which still exist 
in MSS., and we want to find out at what time such a 
collection was made. The following is a short abstract of 
the Tipi/aka, chiefly taken from Childers' Pali Dictionary : 

I. Vinaya-pi/aka. 

1. Vibhahga *. 

Vol. I, beginning with Para^ika, or sins involving 

Vol. H, beginning with Pa-i'ittiya, or sins involving 


2. Khandhaka. 

Vol. I, Mahavagga, the large section. 
Vol. n, A'ullavagga, the small section. 

3. ParivarapaZ/m, an appendix and later resume (25 chap- 

ters). See p. xiii, n. 4 ; p. xxiv, n. 2. 

1 Dipavawsa VII, 40. ^ Dipavamsa VII, 55. 

3 Dr. Oldenberg, in his Introductien to the Vinaya-pi/aka, p. xxxii. 

* Oldenberg, Viaaya-pi^aka I, p. xvi, treats it as an extended reading of the 



II. Sutta-pi/aka. 

1. Digha-nikaya, collection of long suttas (34 suttas)^. 

2. Ma^/ama-nikaya, collection of middle suttas (152 


3. Sa;;/yutta-nikaya, collection of joined suttas. 

4. Ariguttara-nikaya^ miscellaneous suttas, in divisions 

the length of which increases by one. 

5. Khuddaka-nikaya 2, the collection of short suttas, con- 

sisting of — 

1. Khuddakapa//^a, the small texts'*. 

2. Dhammapada, law verses (423) ^. 

3. Udana, praise (82 suttas). 

4. Itivuttaka, stories referring to sayings of Buddha. 
5- Suttanipata, 70 suttas *". 

6. Vimanavatthu, stories of Vimanas, celestial palaces. 

7. Petavatthu, stories of Pretas, departed spirits. 

8. Theragatha, stanzas of monks. 

9. Therigatha, stanzas of nuns. 

10. 6"ataka, former births (550 tales) ' . 

11. Niddesa, explanations of certain suttas by Sariputta. 

^ The Mahaparinibbana-sutta, ed. by Childers, Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, translated with other Suttas by Rhys Davids (S. B. E. vol. xi). Sept 
Suttas Palis, par Grimblot, Paris, 1876. 

^ The first four are sometimes called the Four Nikaj-as, the five together the 
Five Nikayas. They represent the Dharma, as settled at the First and Second 
Councils, described in the ^ullavagga (Oldenberg, I, p. xi). 

•' Sometimes Khuddaka-nikaya stands for the whole Vinaya and Abhidhamma- 
pi'aka, with the fifteen divisions here given of Khuddaka-nikaya. In the com- 
mentary on the Brahmag-ala-sutta it is said that the Dighanikaya professors 
rehearsed the text of the Gataka, Maha and KnWa Niddesa, Padsambhidamagt^a, 
Suttanipata. Dhammapada, Udana, Itivuttaka, Vimana, and Petavatthu, Thera 
and Theri Gatha, and called it Khuddakagantha, and made it a canonical text, 
forming part of the Abhidhamma ; while the Ma^g-g'/iimanikaya professors assert 
that, with the addition of the A'ariyapi/aka, Apadana, and Buddhavawsa, the 
whole of this Khuddakagantha was included in the Suttapitaka. See Childers, 
s. v. Nikaya. See also p. x. 

* Published by Childers, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1869. 

* Published by Fausboll, 1855. 

* Thirty translated by Sir Coomara Swamy ; the whole by Fausboll, in Sacred 
Books of the East, vol. x. 

' Published by Fausboll, translated by Rhys Davids. 


12. Pa^isambhidamagga, the road of discrimination, and 

intuitive insight. 

13. Apadana^, legends. 

14. Buddhavawsa S story of twenty-four preceding Bud- 

dhas and of Gotama. 

15. i^ariyapi/aka\ basket of conduct, Buddha's meri- 

torious actions ^. 

III. Abhidhamma-pi/aka. 

1. Dhammasangawi, numeration of conditions of life**. 

2. Vibhariga, disquisitions (18). 

3. Kathavatthupakara//a, book of subjects for discussion 

(1000 suttas). 
' 4. Puggalapa;7/}atti or pa;/;/atti, declaration on puggala, 
or personality. 

5. Dhatukatha, account of dhatus or elements. 

6. Yamaka, pairs (ten divisions). 

7. Pa^//^anapakara;/a, book of causes. 

Taking this collection as a whole we may lay it down as 
self-evident that the canon, in its collected form, cannot be 
older than any of the events related therein. 

There are two important facts for determining the age of 
the Pali canon, which, as Dr. Oldenberg'^ has been the first to 
show, should take precedence of all other arguments, viz. 

1. That in the Tipi/aka, as we now have it, no mention 
is made of the so-called Third Council, which took place 
at Pa/aliputta, under King Asoka, about 242 B.C. 

2. That in the Tipi/aka, as we now have it, the First 
Council of Ra^agaha (477 B.C.) and the Second Council 
of Vesali (377 B.C.) are both mentioned. 

From these two facts it may safely be concluded that the 
Buddhist canon, as handed down to us, was finally closed 

' Buddhaghosa does not say whether these were recited at the First Council. 

■^ Partly translated by Gogerly, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Ceylon, 1852. 

' Cf. Gogerly, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Ceylon. 184*^, p. 7- 

* See Oldenbei g's Vinaya-pi/aka, Introduction, p. xxv. The kings A^-atasatru 
(485-453 B. c), Udayin (453-437 B. c), and Mwida. (437^429 ". c.) are^ all 
mentioned in the Tipiifaka. See Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der D. M. G., XXXIV, 
PP- 752, 753- 


after the Second and before, or possibly at, the Third 
Council. Nay, the fact that the description of the two 
Councils stands at the very end of the /v ullavagga may be 
taken, as Dr. Oldenberg remarks, as an indication that it 
was one of the latest literary contributions which obtained 
canonical authority, while the great bulk of the canon may 
probably claim a date anterior to the Second Council. 

This fact, namely, that the collection of the canon, as 
a whole, must have preceded the Second Council rests on 
an argument which does great credit to the ingenuity of 
Dr. Oldenberg. The Second Council was convoked to 
consider the ten deviations- from the strict discipline of the 
earliest times. That discipline had been laid down first in 
the Patimokkha rules, then in the commentary now included 
in the Vibhahga, lastly in the Mahavagga and A'ullavagga. 
The rules as to what was allowed or forbidden to a Bhikkhu 
were most minute ^, and they were so firmly established 
that no one could have ventured either to take away or 
to add anything to them as they stood in the sacred 
code. In that code itself a distinction is made between 
the offences which were from the first visited with punish- 
ment (para^ika and pa/^ittiya) and those misdemeanours 
and crimes which were put down as punishable at a later 
time (dukka/a and thulla/('/&aya). With these classes the 
code was considered as closed, and if any doubt arose as to 
the criminality of certain acts, it could be settled at once 
by an appeal to the Vinaya-pi/aka. Now it so happens 
that, with one exception, the ten deviations that had to be 
considered at the Second Council, are not provided for in 
the Vinaya-pi/aka ; and I quite agree with Dr. Oldenberg's 
argument that, if they had been mentioned in the Vinaya- 
pi/aka, the Second Council would have been objectless. 
A mere appeal to chapter and verse in the existing Pi/aka 
would then have silenced all dissent. On the other side, if it 
had been possible to add anything to the canon, as it then 
existed, the ten, or nine, deviations might have been con- 

* Oldenberg, Introduction, p. xxix. ^ Oldenberg, loc. cit. p. xx. 


demned by a few additional paragraphs of the canon, 
without convoking a new Council. 

I think we may be nearly certain, therefore, that we 
possess the principal portion of the Vinaya-pi/aka as it 
existed before the Council of Vesali. 

So far I quite agree with Dr. Oldenberg. But if he 
proceeds to argue ^ that certain portions of the canon must 
have been finally settled before even the First Council took 
place, or was believed to have taken place, I do not think 
his arguments conclusive. He contends that in the Parinib- 
bana-sutta, which tells of the last days of Buddha's life, 
of his death, the cremation of his body, and the distribution 
of his relics, and of Subhadda's revolt, it would have 
been impossible to leave out all mention of the First 
Council, if that Council had then been known. It is true, 
no doubt, that Subhadda's disloyalty was the chief cause 
of the First Council, but there was no necessity to mention 
that Council. On the contrary, it seems to me that the 
unity of the Parinibbana-sutta would have been broken if, 
besides telling of the last days of Buddha, it had also given 
a full description of the Council. The very title, the Sutta 
of the Great Decease, would have become inappropriate, if 
so important a subject as the first Sahgiti had been mixed 
up with it. However, how little we may trust to such 
general arguments, is best shown by the fact that in some 
very early Chinese renderings of the Hinayana text of the 
Mahaparinibbana-sutta the story is actually carried on to 
the First Council, two (Nos. 552 and 119) mentioning the 
rehearsal under Kaj-yapa, while the third (No. 118) simply 
states that the Tipi/aka was then collected ^. 

' Loc. cit. pp. xxvi-xxviii. 

^ There are several Chinese translations of Sutras on the subject of the Maha- 
parinirvarza. Three belong to theMahayana school: i. Mahaparinirvawa-siitra, 
translated by Dharmaraksha, about 414-423 a. d.; afterwards revised, 424-453 
(Nos. 113, 114). 2. Translation by Fa-hian and Buddhabhadra, about 415 a.d.; 
less complete (No. 120). 3. Translation (vaipulya) by Dharmaraksha I, i.e. ^u 
Fa-hu, about 261-308 a.d. (No. 116). Three belong to the Ilinayana school : 
I. Mahaparinirva«a-s{itra, translated by Po-fa-tsu, about 290-306 a.d. (No. 552). 
2. Translation underthe Eastern Tsin dynasty, 317-420 a.d. (N0.119). 3. Trans- 
lation by Fa-hian, about 415 a.d. (No. 118). 


We must be satisfied therefore, so far as I can see 
at present, with fixing the date, and the latest date, of 
a Buddhist canon at the time of the Second Council, 
377 B.C. That some works were added later, we know; 
that many of the treatises included in the canon existed 
before that Council, can hardly be doubted. The second 
chapter of the Dhammapada, for instance, is called the 
Appamada-vagga, and if the Mahavaw^sa (p. 25) tells us 
that at the time when Asoka was converted by Nigrodha, 
that Buddhist priest explained to him the Appamada- 
vagga, we can hardly doubt that there existed then a 
collection (vagga) of verses on Appamada, such as we 
now possess in the Dhammapada and in the Sa;//yutta- 
nikaya ^. 

With regard to the Vinaya, I should even feel inclined to 
admit, with Dr. Oldenberg, that it must have existed in 
a more or less settled form before that time. What I doubt 
is whether such terms as Pi^'aka, basket, or Tipi/aka, the 
three baskets, i. e. the canon, existed at that early time. 
They have not been met with, as yet, in any of the canon- 
ical books ; and if the Dipava;;/sa (IV, 32) uses the word 
' Tipi/aka,' when describing the First Council, this is due to 
its transferring new terms to older times. If Dr. Olden- 
berg speaks of a Dvi-pi/aka- as the name of the canon 
before the third basket, that of the Abhidhamma, was 
admitted, this seems to me an impossible name, because at 
the time when the Abhidhamma was not yet recognised as 
a third part of the canon, the word pi/aka had probably 
no existence as a technical term ^ 

We must always, I think, distinguish between the three 
portions of the canon, called the basket of the Suttas, the 

* Feer, Revue Critique, 1870, No. 24, p. 377. ^ Introduction, pp. x, xii. 

^ Dr. Oldenberg informs me that pi/aka occurs in the JsTankisuttanta in the 
Ms-gghima Nikaya (Tumour s MS., fol. the), but applied to the Veda. He 
also refers to the tipi/akaHryas mentioned in the Western Cave inscriptions as 
compared with the Paii/ianekayaka in the square Asoka character inscriptions 
(Cunningham, Bharhut, pi. Ivi, No. 52). In the Sfltrakr/d-anga of the Gainas, 
too, the term pidagain occurs (MS. Berol. fol. 77 a). He admits, however, that 
pi/aka or tipi/aka, as the technical name of the Buddhist canon, has not yet been 
met with in that canon itself, and defends Dvipi.'aka only as a convenient term. 


basket of Vinaya, and the basket of Abhidhamma, and 
the three subjects of Dhamma (sutta), Vinaya, and Abhi- 
dhamma, treated in these baskets. The subjects existed 
and were taught long before the three baskets were de- 
finitely arranged. Dhamma had originally a much wider 
meaning than Sutta-pi/aka. It often means the whole 
teaching of Buddha ; and even when it refers more par- 
ticularly to the Sutta-pi/aka, we know that the Dhamma 
there taught deals largely with Vinaya and Abhidhamma 
doctrines. Even the fact that at the First Council, accord- 
ing to the description given in the -/Tullavagga, the Vinaya 
and Dhamma only were rehearsed, though proving the 
absence at that time of the Abhidhamma, as a separate 
Pi^aka, by no means excludes the subject of the Abhi- 
dhamma having been taught under the head of Dhamma. 
In the Mahakaru;/apu;/(^arika-sutra the doctrine of Buddha 
is divided into Dharma and Vinaya ; the Abhidharma is 
not mentioned. But the same text knows of all the twelve 
Dharmapravay^anani \ the i. Sutra; 2. Geya ; 3. Vyaka- 
ra;za ; 4. Gatha ; 5, Udana ; 6. Nidana ; 7. Avadana ; 8. 
Itivr/ttaka ; 9. Cataka ; lO.VaipuIya; 11. Adbhutadharma ; 
12. Upadej^a ; some of these being decidedly metaphysical. 
To my mind nothing shows so well the historical character 
both of the ATullavagga and of Buddhaghosa in the Introduc- 
tion to his commentary on the Digha-nikaya, as that the 
former, in its account of the First Council, should know 
only of the Vinaya, as rehearsed by Upali, and the Dhamma, 
as rehearsed by Ananda, while the much later Buddhaghosa, 
in his account of the First Council ^, divides the Dhamma 
into two parts, and states that the second part, the Abhi- 
dhamma, was rehearsed after the first part, the Dhamma. 
Between the time of the iTullavagga and the time of 
Buddhaghosa the Abhidhamma must have assumed its 
recognised position by the side of Vinaya and Sutta. It 
must be left to further researches to determine, if possible, 

^ See Academy, August 28, 1880, Division of Buddhist Scriptures. 
^ Oldenberg. Introduction, p. xii ; Tumour, Journal of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal, vi, p. 510 seq. 

[10] c 


the time when the name of pi/aka was first used, and when 
Tipi/aka was accepted as the title of the whole canon. 

Whenever we see such traces of growth, we feel that we 
are on historical ground, and in that sense Dr. Olden- 
berg's researches into the growth of the Vinaya, previous 
to the Second Council, deserve the highest credit. He 
shows, in opposition to other scholars, that the earliest 
elements of Vinaya must be looked for in the short Pati- 
mokkha rules, which were afterwards supplemented by 
explanations, by glosses and commentaries, and in that 
form answered for some time every practical purpose. 
Then followed a new generation who, not being satisfied, 
as it would seem, with these brief rules and comments, 
wished to know the occasion on which these rules had been 
originally promulgated. What we now call the Vibhahga, 
i. e. the first and second divisions of the Vinaya-pi/aka, is 
a collection of the stories, illustrating the origin of each 
rule, of the rules themselves (the Patimokkha), and of the 
glosses and comments on these rules. 

The third and fourth books, the Mahavagga and A'ulla- 
vagga, are looked upon as possibly of a slightly later date. 
They treat, in a similar manner as the Vibhahga, on the rules 
not included in that collection, and give a general picture 
of the outward life of the monks. While the Vibhahga deals 
chiefly with the original so-called para§"ika, sahghadisesa, and 
pa/'ittiya offences, the Khandhaka, i. e. the Mahavagga 
and -^ullavagga, treats of the so-called dukka/a and thul- 
la^^aya crimes. The arrangement is the same, story, rule, 
and comment succeeding each other in regular sequence. 

If we follow the guidance of the Vinaya-pi/aka, we should 
be able to distinguish the following steps in the growth of 
Buddhism before the Second Council of Vesali : 

1. Teaching of Buddha and his disciples (543/477 A.D. 

Buddha's death). 

2. Collection of Patimokkha rules (first code). 

3. Comment and glosses on these rules. 

4. Stories in illustration of these rules (vibhahga). 

5. Mahavagga and ATullavagga (Khandhaka). 


6. Council of Vesali for the repression of ten abuses 

(443/377 A. D.) 

7. Description of First and Second Councils in ATuUavagga. 
The iiTullavagga ascribes the settlement of the canon to 
the First Council, and does not even claim a revision of 
that canon for the Second Council. The Dipava;;/sa claims 
a revision of the canon by the 700 Arhats for the Second 


In order to bring the Council of Vesali in connection 
with the chronology of the world, we must follow the 
Buddhist historians for another century. One hundred and 
eighteen years after the Council of Vesali they place the 
anointment of King Asoka, during whose reign a Third 
Council, under the presidency of Tissa Moggaliputta, took 
place at Pa/aliputta, the new capital adopted by that king, 
instead of Ra^agaha and Vesali. This Council is chiefly 
known to us through the writings of the southern Buddhists 
(Dipava;;zsa, Mahavawzsa, and Buddhaghosa), who belong 
to the school of Moggaliputta (Theravada or Vibha^^avada), 
which ruled supreme at Pa/aliputta, while Upagupta, the 
chief authority of the northern Buddhists, is altogether 
ignored in the Pali chronicles. 

Now it is well known that Asoka was the grandson 
of A'andagutta, and /iandagutta the contemporary of 
Alexander the Great. Here we see land, and I may 
refer to my History of Sanskrit Literature, published in 
1859, for the process by which the storm-tossed ship of 
Indian chronology has been landed in the harbour of real 
historical chronology. We are told by the monks of the 
Mahavihara in Ceylon that Asoka was crowned, according 
to their computation, 146 + 18 years before the accession 
of Du////agamani, 161 B.C., i.e. 325 B.C. ; that between his 
coronation and his father's death four years had elapsed 
(329 B. C.) ; that his father Bindusara had reigned twenty- 
eight years ^ {357-3^9 B.C.), and Bindusara's father, Kan- 

' Mahavamsa, p. 21. 
C 2 


dagutta, twenty-four years (381-357). As we know that 
A'andagutta, whom the Ceylonese place 381-357 B.C., was 
king of India after Alexander's conquest, it follows that 
Ceylonese chronology is wrong by more than half a 
century. For reasons stated in my History of Sanskrit 
Literature, I fix the exact fault in Ceylonese chronology 
as sixty-six years, assigning to /iandagutta the dates 
315-391, instead of 381-357. This gives us 291-263 for 
Bindusara, 259 for Asoka's abhisheka ; 259+118 = 377 
for the Council of Vesali, and 377 + 100 = 477 for Buddha's 
death, instead of 543 B.C.' 

These dates are, of course, approximate only, and they 
depend on one or two points on which people may differ. 
But, with that reservation, I see no ground whatever for 
modifying the chronological system which I put forward 
more than twenty years ago. Professor Westergaard and 
Professor Kern, who have since suggested different dates 
for the death of Buddha, do not really differ from me in 
principle, but only in their choice of one or the other alter- 
native, which I readily admit as possible, but not as more 
certain than my own. Professor Westergaard", for instance, 
fixes Buddha's death at 368 (370), instead of 477. This 
seems a wide difference, but it is so in appearance only. 

Following Justinus, who says that Sandrokyptos ^ had 
conquered the empire of India at the time when Seleucus 
laid the foundations of his own greatness, I had accepted 
315^, half-way between the murder of Porus and the 
taking of Babylon by Seleucus, as the probable beginning 

* According to Bigandet, Life of Gaudama, p. 361, the era of Buddha's death 
was introduced by A^atasatru, at the conclusion of the First Council, and 
began in the year 146 of the older Eetzana era (p. 12). See, however, Rhys 
Davids, Num. Orient, vi, p. 38. In the Kara«t/a-vyuha, p. 96, a date is given 
as 300 after the Nirvana, ' tr/tiye varshasate gate mama parinirvntasya.' In the 
Asoka-avadana we read, mama nirvntim arabhya satavarshagata Upagupto 
nama bhikshur utpatsyati. 

'^ Uber Buddha's Todesjahr (i860), 1862. 

^ The Greek name Sandrokyptus shows that the Pali corruption A'andagutta 
was not yet the recognised name of the king. 

* Mr. Rhys Davids accepts 315 b. c. as the date when, after the murder of 
king Nanda, A'andragupta slept into the vacant throne, though he had begun 
to count his reign seven or eight years before. Buddhism, p. 220. 


of iTandragupta's reign. Westergaard prefers 320 as a 
more likely date for A'andragupta, and therefore places the 
death of the last Nanda and the beginning of Aj-oka's 
royal pretensions 268. Here there is a difference between 
him and me of five years, which depends chiefly on the 
view we take as to the time when Seleucus really laid what 
Justinus calls the foundation of his future greatness. 
Secondly, Westergaard actually adopts the idea, at which I 
only hinted as possible, that the southern Buddhists made 
two Aj"okas out of one, and two Councils out of one. 
Trusting- in the tradition that 118 years elapsed between 
Buddha's death and the Council under A.foka (at Pa/aliputra), 
and that the Council took place in the king's tenth year 
(as was the case with the imaginary Kalaxoka's Council), 
he gets 268 — 10 = 258 as the date of the Council, and 368 
or 370 as the date of Buddha's death \ 

The two points on which Westergaard differs from me, 
seem to me questions which should be kept before our 
mind in dealing with early Buddhist history, but which, 
for the present at least, admit of no definite solution. 

The same remark seems to me to apply to the calcula- 
tions of another eminent Sanskrit scholar. Professor Kern^. 
He lays great stress on the general untrustworthiness of 
Indian chronology, and I am the last to differ from him 
on that point. He then places the beginning of iTandra- 
gupta's reign in 322 B.C. Allowing twenty-four years to him 
and twenty-eight to his son Bindusara, he places the begin- 
ning of Aj-oka's reign in 270. Aj'oka's inscriptions would 
fall about 258. As Asoka. reigned thirty-six or thirty-seven 
years, his death would fall in 234 or 233 B.C. Like Wester- 
gaard, Professor Kern too eliminates Kalaj-oka, as a kind of 
chronological A^oka, and the Council of Vai^-ali, and there- 
fore places Buddha's death, according to the northern tradi- 
tion, 100 or no years before Dharmajoka, i.e. 270+100 
or -I- 110 = 370 or 380 3; while, according to the southern 

• Westergaard, loc. cit. p. 128. 

^ Jaartelling der Zuidelijke Buddhisten, 1873. 

3 See Professor Kern's remark in Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 79. 


tradition, that ii8 years elapsed between Aj-oka's acces- 
sion and Buddha's death, the Ceylonese monks would seem 
originally to have retained 270+118^ = 388 B.C. as Buddha's 
Nirvana, a date which, as Professor Kern holds, happens 
to coincide with the date assigned to the death of Maha- 
vira, the founder of the Caina religion. 

Here we see again that the moot point is the beginning 
of A'andragupta's reign in accordance with the information 
supplied by Greek historians. Professor Kern places it in 
322, Westergaard in 320, I myself in 315. That difference 
once granted, Dr. Kern's reasoning is the same as my own. 
According to the traditions which we follow, Buddha's 
death took place 100, no, 118, or 228^ years before Aj-oka. 
Hence Professor Westergaard arrives at 368 or 370 B.C. 
Professor Kern at 370 (380) or 388 B.C., I myself at 477 B.C. 
Every one of these dates is liable to certain objections, and 
if I prefer my own date, 477 B.C., it is simply because it 
seems to me liable to neither more nor less reservations 
than those of Professor Westergaard and Professor Kern, 
and because, so long as we always remember the grounds 
of our differences, namely, the beginning of iTandragupta's 
reign, and the additional century, every one of these dates 
furnishes a good hypothesis to work on, until we can arrive 
at greater certainty in the ancient chronology of India. 

To my mind all dates beyond A'andragupta are as yet 
purely tentative, resting far more on a chronological theory 
than on actual tradition ; and though I do not doubt the 
historical character of the Council of Vaii-ali, I look upon 
the date assigned to it, on the authority of the Dipavawsa 
and Mahavawsa, as, for the present, hypothetical only. 

' When Professor Kern states that the Mahava7?!sa (p. 22) places the Third 
Council 218 years after Buddha's death, this is not so. Asoka's abhisheka takes 
place in that year. The prophecy that a calamity would befall their religion, 118 
years after the Second Council (^Mahavawsa, p. 28), does not refer to the Council, 
but to isTandasoka's accession, 477 — 218= 259 b. c. 



557. Buddha born. 

552. BImbisara born. 

537-485. Bimbisara, 5 years younger than Buddha, was 
15 when crowned, 30 or 31 when he met Buddha in 522. 

485-453. A^ataj-atru (4x8 years). 

477. Buddha's death (485 — 8 = 477). 

477. Council at Ragagriha under Kaj'yapa, Ananda, 
and Upah. 

453-437. Udayibhadra (2x8 years). 
/ Anuruddhaka (8 years). 

437 429- \ Mu«^a (at Pa/ahputra). 

429-405. Nagadasaka (3 x 8 years). 

405-387. 6"ij-unaga (at VauaH). 

387-359. Kalajoka. 

377. Council at Vai^ali, under Yai'as and Revata, 
a disciple of Ananda (259 + 118=1:377). 

359~337- Ten sons of Kalaj-oka (22 years). 

337-315. Nine Nandas (22 years); the last, Dhana- 
nanda, killed by Kanakya.. 

315-291. ^andragupta (477 — 162 = 315; 3x8 years)\ 

291-263. Bindusara. 

263-259. Ai'okaj sub-king at LJ^^ayini, as pretender — • 
his brothers killed. 

259. Ai-oka anointed at Pa/aliputra (477 — 218 = 259). 

256. Aj"oka converted by Nigrodha (D.V. VI, 18). 

256-253. Building of Viharas, Sthupas, &c. 

255. Conversion of Tishya (M. V. p. 34). 

253. Ordination of Mahendra (born 477 — 204=273). 

251. Tishya and Sumitra die (D.V. Vll, 32). 

242. Council at PArALiPUTRA (259—17 = 242 ; 477 — 
236 = 241), under Tishya Maudgaliputra (477 — 236 = 241; 
D.V. VII, 37). 

241. Mahendra to Ceylon. 

222. Ai-oka died (259 — 37 = 222). 

193. Mahendra died (D.V. xvii, 93). 

161. Du/^/zagdmani. 

88-76. Vattagamani, canon reduced to writing. 


400. Dipava;;/sa. 

420. Buddhaghosha, Pali commentaries, 

459-477. Mahavawsa. 

1 Westergaard, 320-296; Kern, 322-20 


Though the preceding table, embodying in the main the 
results at which I arrived in my History of Ancient San- 
skrit Literature, still represents what I hold to be true or 
most probable with respect to Indian chronology, previous 
to the beginning of our era, yet I suppose I may be expected 
to say here a few words on the two latest attempts to fix 
the date of Buddha's death ; the one by Mr. Rhys Davids 
in the Numismata Orientalia, Part VI, 1877, the other by 
Dr. Blihler in the Indian Antiquary, 1877 and 1878 \ Mr. 
Rhys Davids, to whom we owe so much for the elucidation 
of the history of Buddha's religion, accepts Westergaard's 
date for the beginning of A'andragupta's reign, 320 B.C., 
instead of 322 (Kern), 315 (myself); and as he assigns 
(p. 41) to Bindusara 25 years instead of 28 (Mahavawsa, 
p. 21), he arrives at 268 as the year of Aj-oka's coronation^. 
He admits that the argument derived from the mention of 
the five foreign kings in one of Anoka's inscriptions, dated 
the twelfth year of his reign, is too precarious to enable us 
to fix the date of Aj-oka's reign more definitely, and though, 
in a general way, that inscriptioxi confirms the date assigned 
by nearly all scholars to Ajroka in the middle of the third 
century B.C., yet there is nothing in it that Ai^oka might 
not have written in 247 quite as well as in 258-261. What 
chiefly distinguishes Mr. Rhys Davids' chronology from that 
of his predecessors is the shortness of the period between 
Aj^oka's coronation and Buddha's death. On the strength 
of an examination of the list of kings and the list of the 
so-called patriarchs, he reduces the traditional 218 years 
to 140 or 150, and thus arrives at 412 B.C. as the probable 
beginning of the Buddhist era. 

In this, however, I cannot follow him, but have to 
follow Dr. Biihler. As soon as I saw Dr. Biihler's first 
essay on the Three New Edicts of Aj-oka, I naturally felt 
delighted at the unexpected confirmation which he fur- 
nished of the date which I had assigned to Buddha's 
death, 477 B.C. And though I am quite aware of the 

* Three New Edicts of Asoka, Bombay, 1877 ; Second Notice, Bombay, 1878. 
^ Mr. Rliys Davids on p. 50 assigns the 25 years of Bindusara rightly to the 
Purawas, the 28 years to the Ceylon Chronicles. 


danger of unexpected confirmations of one's own views, 
yet, after carefully weighing the objections raised by Mr. 
Rhys Davids and Professor Pischel against Dr. Biihler's 
arguments, I cannot think that they have shaken Dr. 
Biihler's position. I fully admit the difficulties in the 
phraseology of these inscriptions : but I ask, Who could 
have written these inscriptions, if not Aj-oka ? And how, 
if written by Aj-oka, can the date which they contain mean 
anything but 256 years after Buddha's Nirva/za ? These 
points, how^ever, have been argued in so masterly a manner 
by Dr. Biihler in his ' Second Notice,' that I should be 
afraid of weakening his case by adding anything of my 
own, and must refer my readers to his ' Second Notice.' 
Allowing that latitude which, owing to the doubtful read- 
ings of MSS., and the constant neglect of odd months, we 
must allow in the interpretation of Buddhist chronology, 
A^oka is the only king we know of who could have 
spoken of a thirty-fourth year since the beginning of his 
reign and since his conversion to Buddhism. And if he 
calls that year, say the very last of his reign (322 B.C.), %^6 
after the departure of the Master, we have a right to say 
that as early as Aj-oka's time, Buddha was believed to have 
died about 477 B.C. Whether the inscriptions have been 
accurately copied and rightly read is, however, a more 
serious question, and the doubts raised by Dr. Oldenberg 
(Mahavagga, p. xxxviii) make a new collation of the 
originals absolutely indispensable, before we can definitely 
accept Dr. Biihler's interpretation. 

I cannot share Dr. Biihler's opinion^ as to the entire 
worthlessness of the Caina chronology in confirming the 
date of Buddha's death. If the ^"vetambara 6'ainas place 
the death of Mahavira 470 before Vikramaditya, i. e. ^6 B.C. 
+ 470 = 526B.C.,and the Digambaras 605, i.e. 7 8 a.D. deducted 
from 605 = 527 B.C., this so far confirms Dr. Biihler's and 
Dr. Jacobi's brilliant discovery that Mahavira was the same 
as Niga«///a Nataputta, who died at Pava during Buddha"s 
lifetime -. Most likely 527 is too early a date, while another 

' Three Edicts, p. 21; Second Notice, pp. 9, 10. 

2 See Jacobi, Kalpa-sutra of Bhadrabahu, and Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der 
D.M.G., XXXIV, p. 749. 


tradition fixing Mahavira's death 155 years before A'andra- 
gupta\ 470 B.C.. is too late. Yet they both show that 
the distance between Ajroka (259-222 B.C.), the grandson 
of /Tandragupta (315-291 B.C.), and the contemporaries of 
Buddha was by the Cainas also believed to be one of two 
rather than one century. 

When I saw that the date of Buddha's death, 477 B.C., 
which in my History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature (1859) 
I had myself tried to support by such arguments as were 
then accessible, had received so powerful a support by the 
discovery of the inscriptions of Sahasram, Rupnath, and 
Bairat, due to General Cunningham, who had himself 
always been an advocate of the date 477 B.C., and through 
their careful decipherment by Dr. Buhler, I lost no time 
in testing that date once more by the Dipavawsa, that 
Ceylonese chronicle having lately become accessible through 
Dr. Oldenberg's edition and translation ^. And here I am 
able to say that, before having read Dr. Biihler's Second 
Notice, I arrived, though by a somewhat different way, at 
nearly the same conclusions as those so well worked out by 
Dr. Biihler in his restoration of the Episcopal Succession 
(theravali) of the Buddhists, and therefore feel convinced 
that, making all such allowances as the case requires, we 
know now as much of early Buddhist chronology as could 
be known at the time of Ai'oka^s Council, 242 B.C. 

Taking the date of Buddha's death 477 B.C. for granted, 
I found that Upali, who rehearsed the Vinaya at the First 
Council, 477 B.C., had been in orders sixty years in the 
twenty-fourth year of A^atai-atru, i. e. 461 B.C., which was 
the sixteenth year A.B. He must therefore^ have been born 
in 54J B.C., and he died 447 B.C., i. e. thirty years A.B., at 
the age of 94. This is said to have been the sixth year of 
Udayi, and so it is, 453 — 6^=447 B.C. 

In the year 461 B.C. Daj-aka received orders from Upali, 
who was then 80 years of age ; and when Da^-aka had been 

* Oldenberg, loc. cit. p. 750- 

"^ The Dipavawsa, an ancient Buddhist historical record. London, 1879. 

' Assuming twenty to be the minimum age at which a man could be ordained. 



in orders forty-five years (Dipava//zsa IV, 41), he ordained 
^aunaka. This would give us 461—45=416 B.C., while the 
tenth year of Nagadasa, 439 — 10, would give us 419 a.d. 
Later on the Dipava;//sa (V, 78) allows an interval of forty 
years between the ordinations of Da^-aka and 5aunaka, 
which would bring the date of ^aunaka's ordination to 421 
B.C., instead of 419 or 416 B.C. Here there is a fault which 
must be noted. Daj-aka died 461—64 = 397 A.D., which is 
called the eighth year of 6"ij-unaga, and so it is, 405 — 8 = 
397 A.D. 

When vSaunaka had been in orders forty years, i. e. 
416 — 40 = 376, Kalai-oka is said to have reigned a little 
over ten years, i.e. 387 — 11 = 376 A.D., and in that year 
^aunaka ordained Siggava. He died 416 — 66 = 350 A.D., 
which is called the sixth year of the Ten, while in reality 
it is the ninth, 359 — 6 = ^^^ A.D. If, however, we take 419 
as the year of ^~"aunaka's ordination, his death would fall 
419-66 = 353 B.C. 

Siggava, when he had been in orders sixty-four years, 
ordained Tishya Maudgaliputra. This date 376 — 64 = 312 
B.C. is called more than two years after A'andragupta's 
accession, and so it very nearly is, 315 — 2 = 313. 

Siggava died when he had been in orders seventy-six 
years, i. e. 376 — 76 = 300 A.D. This year is called the 
fourteenth year of A'andragupta, which it very nearly is, 

When Tishya had been in orders sixty ^ years, he or- 
dained Mahendra, 312 — 60 = 252 B.C. This is called six 
years after Aj-oka's coronation, 259 — 6 = 253, and so it very 
nearly is. He died 312 — 80 = 232 B.C., which is called the 
twenty-sixth year of Aj-oka, and so it very nearly is. 

1 I take 60 (80), as given in Dipavawzsa V, 95, 107, instead of 66 (86), as 
given in Dipava?wsa V, 94. 


Buddhist Patriarchs. 

Ordination of Patri- 

Birth. Ordination, successor. Death. Age. archate. 

Upali (Generally 527 461 447 94 30 

20 years (60) 

^^ , before . ^ . . 

Daraka ordination.) ^61 416 397 84 50 

419 ^ 

45) 421 



^aunaka „ 416 j 376 j 350 86 44(47) 
419 t 379 } 353 

421) 381 j 


Siggava „ 376I 312^ 300I 96 50(52) 


Tishya „ 312^ 253 233 100 68 


]\Iahendra 273 253 „ 193 80 40 


If we test the dates of this table by the length of time 
assigned to each patriarchate, we find that Upali ruled 
thirty years, from Buddha's death, 477 to 447 ; Daj-aka 
fifty years. To 5aunaka forty-four years are assigned, 
instead of forty-seven, owing to a fault pointed out before ; 
and to Siggava fifty-two years, or fifty-five ^ instead of fifty. 
Tishya's patriarchate is said to have lasted sixty-eight 
years, which agrees with previous statements. 

Lastly, the years of the death of the six patriarchs, as 
fixed according to the reigns of the kings of Magadha, 
agree extremely well. 

Upali died in the sixth year of Udayi, i, e. 453 — 6 = 447 B.C. 

Daj-aka died in the eighth year of 6"i.$"unaga, i.e. 405 — 8 = 
397 B.C. 

.Saunaka died in the sixth year of the Ten, i. e. 359 — 6 = 
353 B.C., showing again the difference of three years. 

' The combined patriarchates of >S'aunaka and Siggava are given as 99 by the 



Siggava died in the fourteenth year of ^andragupta, i. e. 
315-14 = 301 B.C. 

Tishya died in the twenty-sixth or twenty-seventh year 
of Ai-oka, i.e. 259 — 27 = 233 B.C. 

This general and more than general agreement between 
dates taken from the history of the kings and the history 
of the patriarchs leaves on my mind a decided impression 
of a tradition which, though not strictly historical, in our 
sense of the word, represents at all events the result of such 
enquiries as could be made into the past ages of Buddhism 
at the time of Ai-oka. There are difficulties in that tradition 
which would certainly have been avoided, if the whole 
chronology had been simply made up : but there is no 
doubt a certain method too perceptible throughout, which 
warns us that we must not mistake a smooth chronology 
for solid history. 

The Title of Dhammapada. 

The title of Dhammapada has been interpreted in various 
ways. It is an ambiguous word, and has been accepted as 
such by the Buddhists themselves. Dhamma has many 
meanings. Under one aspect it means religion, particu- 
larly the religion taught by Buddha, the law which every 
Buddhist should accept and observe. Under another aspect 
dhamma is virtue, or the realisation of the law. 

Pada also has many meanings. In the Abhidhana- 
padipika it is explained by place, protection, Nirva;/a, cause, 
word, thing, portion, foot, footstep. 

Hence dhammapada may mean 'footstep of religion,' 
and thus the title was first rendered by Gogerly, only that 
he used the plural instead of the singular, and called it ' The 
Footsteps of Religion,' while Spence Hardy still more freel>' 
called it ' The Paths of Religion.' It may be quite true, as 
pointed out by Childers, that pada by itself never means 
path. But it means footstep, and the footstep towards 
a thing is much the same as what we call the path to a 
thing. Thus we read, verse 21, 'appamado amatapadam,' 
earnestness is the step, i. e. the path that leads to immor- 


tality. Again, ' pamado ma/^/^uno padam ' can hardly mean 
anything but that thoughtlessness is the path of death, is 
the path that leads to death. The commentator, too, 
rightly explains it here by amatasya adhigamupaya, the 
means of obtaining immortality, i. e. Nirvawa^ or simply by 
upayo, and even by maggo, the way. If we compare verses 
92 and 93 of our text, and verses 254 and 255, we see that 
pad a is used synonymously with gati, going. In the 
same manner dhammapada would mean the footstep or 
the footpath of virtue, i. e. the path that leads to virtue, and 
supply a very appropriate title for a collection of moral 
precepts. In verses 44 and 45 'path of virtue' seems to be 
the most appropriate meaning for dhammapada ^, and it is 
hardly possible to assign any other meaning to it in the 
following verse (TTundasutta, v. 6) : 

Yo dhammapade sudesite 

Magge ^ivati sa;7/}ato satima, 

Anava^a-padani sevamano 

Tatiyam bhikkhum ahu magga^ivim, 
* He who lives restrained and attentive in the way that has 
been well pointed out, in the path of the law, cultivating 
blameless words, such a Bhikkhu they call a Magga^ivi 
(living in the way).' 

I therefore think that ' Path of Virtue,'' or ' Footstep of 
the Law,' was the idea most prominent in the mind of those 
who originally framed the title of this collection of verses. 
It seems to me that Buddhaghosa also took the same view, 
for the verse which D'Alwis^ quotes from the introduction 
of Buddhaghosa's commentary, — 
Sampatta-saddhammapado sattha dhammapadaw subha;;« 
and which he translates, ' The Teacher who had reached 
the very depths (lit. bottom) of Saddhamma, preached this 
holy Dhammapada,' — lends itself far better to another 
translation, viz. ' The Teacher who had gained a firm 

' Cf. Dhammapada, v. 285, nibbanam sugatena desitawz. 
^ Buddhist Nirva«a, p. 62. 


footing in the Good Law, showed (preached) the holy Path 
of the Law.' 

Gogerly, again, who may generally be taken as a faithful 
representative of the tradition of the Buddhists still pre- 
served in Ceylon, translates the title by the ' Footsteps of 
Religion,' so that there can be little doubt that the priests 
of that island accept Dhammapada in the sense of 'Vestiges 
of Religion,' or, from a different point of view, ' The Path 
of Virtue.' 

M. L. Feer ^ takes a slightly different view, and assigning 
to pada the meaning of foot or base, he translates Dhamma- 
pada by Loi fondamentale, or Base de la Religion. 

But it cannot be denied that the title of Dhammapada 
was very soon understood in a different sense also, namely, 
as ' Sentences of Religion.' Pada means certainly a foot of 
a verse, a verse, or a line, and dhammapadam actually 
occurs in the sense of a ' religious sentence.' Thus we read 
in verse 102, ' Though a man recite a hundred Gathas made 
up of senseless words, one dhammapadam, i.e. one single 
word or line of the law, is better, which if a man hears, he 
becomes quiet.' But here we see at once the difficulty of 
translating the title of ' dhammapadam ' by ' religious sen- 
tences.' Dhammapadam means one law verse, or wise 
saw, not many. Professor Fausboll, who in his excellent 
edition of the Dhammapada translated that title by ' a col- 
lection of verses on religion,' appeals to such passages as 
verses 44 and 102 in support of his interpretation. But in 
verse 42 dhammapadaw sudesita;;^, even if it does not 
mean the path of the law, could never mean 'versus legis 
bene enarratos,' but only versum legis bene enarra- 
tum, as Dr. Fausboll himself renders eka;;^ dhammapada;«, 
in verse 102, by unus legis versus. Buddhaghosa, too, 
when he speaks of many law verses uses the plural, for 
instance ^, ' Be it known that the Gatha consists of the 
Dhammapadani, Theragatha, Therigatha, and those un- 
mixed (detached) Gatha not comprehended in any of the 
above-named Suttanta.' 

^ Revue Critique, 1870, p. 378. ^ D'Alwis, Pali Grammar, p. 61. 


The only way in which Dhammapada could be defended 
in the sense of ' Collection of Verses of the Law,' would be 
if we took it for an aggregate compound. But such aggre- 
gate compounds, in Sanskrit at least, are possible with 
numerals only; for instance, tribhuvanam, the three 
worlds ; ^aturyugam, the four ages^. It might therefore 
be possible in Pali, too, to form such compounds as dai-a- 
padam, a collection of ten padas, a work consisting often 
padas, a decamerone, but it would in no wise follow that 
we could in that language attempt such a compound as 
Dhammapadam, in order to express a collection of law 
verses^. Mr. BeaP informs us that the Chinese seem to 
have taken Dhammapada in the sense of ' stanzas of law,' 
* law texts,' or ' scripture texts.' 

It should be remembered, also, that the idea of repre- 
senting life, and particularly the life of the faithful, as a 
path of duty or virtue leading to deliverance, (in Sanskrit 
dharmapatha,) is very familiar to Buddhists. The four 
great truths of their religion * consist in the recognition of 
the following principles : i. that there is suffering ; 2. that 
there is a cause of that suffering ; 3. that such cause can be 
removed ; 4. that there is a way of deliverance, viz. the 
doctrine of Buddha. This way is the ash/ahga-marga, 
the eightfold way ^, taught by Buddha, and leading to Nir- 
vana •^. The faithful advances on that road, padat padam, 

* See M. M.'s Sanskrit Grammar, § 519. 

^ Mr. D'Alwis' arguments (Buddhist Nirvana, pp. 63-67) in support of this 
view, viz. the dhammapada may be a collective term, do not seem to me to 
strengthen my own conjecture. 

^ Dhammapada from Chinese, p. 4. 

* Spence Hardy, Manual, p. 496. 

' Bumouf, Lotus, p. 520, ' Ajoutons, pour terminer ce que nous trouvons a dire 
sur le mot magga, quelque commentaire qu'on en donne d'ailleurs, que suivant 
une definition rapportee par Turnour, le magga renferme une sous-division que 
Ton nomme pa/ipada, en Sanscrit pratipad. Le magga, dit Turnour, est la 
voie qui conduit au>Jibbana, la pa/ipada, litteralement "la marche pas a pas, 
ou le degre," est la vie de rectitude qu'on doit suivre, quand on marche dans la 
voie du magga.' 

* See Spence Hardy, Manual, p. 496. Should not Aratur\'idha-dharmapada, 
mentioned on p. 497, be translated by ' the fourfold path of the Law?' It can 
hardly be the fourfold word of the Law. 


step by step, and it is therefore called pa/ipada, lit. the step 
by step. 

If we make allowance for these ambiguities, inherent in 
the name of D ha mm a pa da, we may well understand how 
the Buddhists themselves play with the word pada (see 
V. 45). Thus we read in Mr, Beal's translation of a Chinese 
version of the Pratimoksha ^ : 

' Let all those who desire such birth, 
Who now are living in the world. 
Guard and preserve these Precepts, as feet.' 


In translating the verses of the Dhammapada, I have 
followed the edition of the Pali text, published in 1855 by 
Dr. Fausboll, and I have derived great advantage from his 
Latin translation, his notes, and his copious extracts from 
Buddhaghosa's commentary. I have also consulted trans- 
lations, either of the whole of the Dhammapada, or of 
portions of it, by Burnouf, Gogerly ^ Upham, Weber, 
and others. Though it will be seen that in many places 
my translation differs from those of my predecessors, 
I can only claim for myself the name of a very humble 
gleaner in this field of Pali literature. The greatest 
credit is due to Dr. Fausboll, whose editio princeps of 
the Dhammapada will mark for ever an important epoch 
in the history of Pali scholarship ; and though later critics 
have been able to point out some mistakes, both in his 
text and in his translation, the value of their labours is not 
to be compared with that of the work accomplished single- 
handed by that eminent Danish scholar. 

In revising my translation, first published in 1870 3, for 

^ Catena, p. 207. 

^ ' Several of the chapters have been translated by Mr. Gogerly, and have 
appeared in The Friend, vol. iv, 1840.' (Spence Hardy, Eastern Monachism, 
p. 169.) 

^ Buddhaghosha's Parables, translated from Burmese by Captain T. Rogers, 
R. E. With an Introduction, containing Buddha's Dhammapada, translated 
from Pali by F. Max Miiller. London, 1870. 

[10] d 


the Sacred Books of the East, I have been able to avail 
myself of ' Notes on Dhammapada,' published by Childers 
in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (May, 1871), 
and of valuable hints as to the meaning of certain words 
and verses scattered about in the Pali Dictionary of that 
much regretted scholar, 1875. I have carefully weighed the 
remarks of Mr. James D'Alwis in his ' Buddhist Nirvawa, 
a review of Max Miiller's Dhammapada' (Colombo, 1871), 
and accepted some of his suggestions. Some very suc- 
cessful renderings of a number of verses by Mr. Rhys 
Davids in his ' Buddhism,' and a French translation, too, of 
the Dhammapada, published by Fernand Hu\ have been 
consulted with advantage. 

It was hoped for a time that much assistance for a more 
accurate understanding of this work might be derived from 
a Chinese translation of the Dhammapada ^, of which 
Mr. S. Beal published an English translation in 1878. 
But this hope has not been entirely fulfilled. It was^ 
no doubt, a discovery of great interest, when Mr. Beal 
announced that the text of the Dhammapada was not 
restricted to the southern Buddhists only, but that similar 
collections existed in the north, and had been translated 
into Chinese. It was equally important when Schiefner 
proved the existence of the same work in the sacred canon 
of the Tibetans. But as yet neither a Chinese nor a Tibetan 
translation of the Pali Dhammapada has been rendered 
accessible to us by translations of these translations into 
English or German, and what we have received instead, 
cannot make up for what we had hoped for. 

The state of the case is this. There are, as Mr, Beal 
informs us, four principal copies of what may be called 
Dhammapada in Chinese, the first dating from the Wu 
dynasty, about the beginning of the third century A.D. 
This translation, called Fa-kheu-king, is the work of a 

* Le Dhammapada avec introduction et notes par Fernand Hd, suivi du 
Sutra en 42 articles, traduit du Tibetain, par Leon Feer. Paris, 1878. 

* Texts from the Buddhist Canon, commonly known as Dhammapada, trans- 
lated from the Chinese by Samuel Beal. London, 187S. 


Shaman Wei-/^i-lan and others. Its title means ' the Sutra 
of Law verses,' kheu being explained by gat ha, a verse, 
a word which we shall meet with again in the Tibetan 
title, Gathasahgraha. In the preface the Chinese translator 
states that the Shamans in after ages copied from the 
canonical scriptures various gathas, some of four lines and 
some of six, and attached to each set of verses a title, 
according to the subject therein explained. This work of 
extracting and collecting is ascribed to Tsun-/^e-Fa-kieou, 
i. e. Arya-Dharmatrata, the author of the Sawyuktabhi- 
dharma-i-astra and other works, and the uncle ofVasumitra. 
If this Vasumitra was the patriarch who took a prominent 
part in the Council under Kanishka, Dharmatrata's col- 
lection would belong to the first century B.C. ; but this is, as 
yet, very doubtful. 

In the preface to the Fa-kheu-king we are told that the 
original, which consisted of 500 verses, was brought from 
India by Wai-/^i-lan in 223 A.D., and that it was translated 
into Chinese with the help of another Indian called Tsiang- 
sin. After the translation was finished, thirteen sections 
were added, making up the whole to 753 verses, I4)5^° 
words, and 39 chapters ^. 

If the Chinese translation is compared with the Pali 
text, it appears that the two agree from the 9th to the 
35th chapter (with the exception of the 33rd), so far as 
their subjects are concerned, though the Chinese has in 
these chapters 79 verses more than the Pali. But 
the Chinese translation has eight additional chapters in 
the beginning (viz. On Intemperance, Inciting to Wisdom, 
The vSravaka, Simple Faith, Observance of Duty, Re- 
flection, Loving-kindness, Conversation), and four at the 
end (viz. 'Nirvana., Birth and Death, Profit of Religion, 
and Good Fortune), and one between the 24th and 25th 
chapter of the Pali text (viz. Advantageous Service), all of 
which are absent in our Pali texts. This, the most ancient 

^ Eeal, Dhammapada, p. 30. The real number of verses, however, is 760. In 
the Pali text, too, there are five verses more than stated in the Index ; see 
M. M., Buddhaghosha's Parables, p. ix, note; Beal, loc.cit. p. 11, note. 

d 2 


Chinese translation of Dharmatrata's work, has not been 
rendered into English by Mr. Beal, but he assures us that 
it is a faithful reproduction of the original. The book which 
he has chosen for translation is the Fa-kheu-pi-ii, i. e. 
parables connected with the Dhammapada, and translated 
into Chinese by two Shamans of the western Tsin dynasty 
(a.d. 265-313). These parables are meant to illustrate the 
teaching of the verses, like the parables of Buddhaghosa, 
but they are not the same parables, nor do they illustrate 
all the verses. 

A third Chinese version is called TTuh-yan-king, i. e. the 
Sutra of the Dawn (avadana?), consisting of seven volumes. 
Its author was Dharmatrata, its translator ATu-fo-nien (Bud- 
dhasmnti), about 410 A.D. The MS. of the work is said 
to have been brought from India by a Shaman Sangha- 
bhadaiiga of Kipin (Cabul), about 345 A.D. It is a much 
more extensive work in ;^^ chapters, the last being, as in 
the Pali text, on the Brahma7^a. 

A fourth translation dates from the Sung dynasty (800 
or 900 A. D.), and in it, too, the authorship of the text is 
ascribed to Arya- Dharmatrata. 

A Tibetan translation of a Dhammapada was dis- 
covered by Schiefner in the 28th volume of the Sutras, 
in the collection called Udanavarga. It contains 33 
chapters, and more than 1000 verses, of which about one- 
fourth only can be traced in the Pali text. The same 
collection is found also in the Tan^r, vol. 71 of the Sutras, 
foil. 1-53, followed by a commentary, the Udanavarga- 
vivara;/a by the AMrya Pra^/7avarman. Unfortunately 
Schiefner's intention of publishing a translation of it (Me- 
langes Asiatiques, tom. viii. p. 560) has been frustrated by 
his death. All that he gives us in his last paper is the 
Tibetan text with translation of another shorter collection, 
the Gathasaiigraha by Vasubandhu, equally published in 
the 72nd volume of the Sutras in the Tan^ur, and accom- 
panied by a commentary. 


Spelling of Buddhist Terms. 

I had on a former occasion ^ pleaded so strongly in 
favour of retaining, as much as possible, the original San- 
skrit forms of Pali Buddhist terms, that I feel bound to 
confess openly that I hold this opinion no longer, or, at all 
events, that I see it is hopeless to expect that Pali scholars 
will accept my proposal. My arguments were these : ' Most 
of the technical terms employed by Buddhist writers come 
from Sanskrit ; and in the eyes of the philologist the various 
forms which they have assumed in Pali, in Burmese, in 
Tibetan, in Chinese, in Mongolian, are only so many corrup- 
tions of the same original form. Everything, therefore, 
would seem to be in favour of retaining the Sanskrit forms 
throughout, and of writing, for instance, Nirvana instead of 
the Pali Nibbana, the Burmese Niban or Nepbhan, the 
Siamese Niruphan, the Chinese Nipan. The only hope, in 
fact, that writers on Buddhism will ever arrive at a uniform 
and generally intelligible phraseology seems to He in their 
agreeing to use throughout the Sanskrit terms in their 
original form, instead of the various local disguises and 
disfigurements which they present in Ceylon, Burmah, Siam, 
Tibet, China, and Mongolia.' 

I fully admitted that many Buddhist words have assumed 
such a strongly marked local or national character in the 
different countries and in the different languages in which 
the religion of Buddha has found a new home, that to trans- 
late them back into Sanskrit might seem as affected, nay, 
prove in certain cases as misleading, as if, in speaking of 
priests and kings, we were to speak of presbyters and 
cynings. The rule by which I meant mainly to be guided 
was to use the Sanskrit forms as much as possible ; in fact, 
everywhere except where it seemed affected to do so. 
I therefore wrote Buddhaghosha instead of the Pali Bud- 
dhaghosa, because the name of that famous theologian, 'the 
Voice of Buddha,' seemed to lose its significance if turned 

^ Introduction to Buddhaghosha's Parables, 1870, p. 1. 


into Buddhaghosa. But I was well aware what may be 
said on the other side. The name of Buddhaghosa, ' Voice 
of Buddha,' was given him after he had been converted 
from Brahmanism to Buddhism, and it was given to him 
by people to whom the Pali word ghosa conveyed the 
same meaning as ghosha does to us. On the other hand, 
I retained the Pali Dhammapada instead of Dharmapada, 
simply because, as the title of a Pali book, it has become so 
familiar that to speak of it as Dharmapada seemed like 
speaking of another work. We are accustomed to speak 
of Samanas instead of 5rama;/as, for even in the days of 
Alexander's conquest, the Sanskrit word vSrama;/a had 
assumed the prakritized or vulgar form which we find in 
Pali, and which alone could have been rendered by the 
later Greek writers (first by Alexander Polyhistor, 80-60 
B.C.) by (TajxavoLoi^. As a Buddhist term, the Pali form 
Samana has so entirely supplanted that of vSrama7/a that, 
even in the Dhammapada (v. 388), we find an etymology 
of Samana as derived from sam, 'to be quiet,' and not from 
jram, ' to toil.' But if we speak of Samanas, we ought also 
to speak of Bahmawas instead of Brahmawas, for this word 
had been replaced by bahma/za at so early a time, that in 
the Dhammapada it is derived from a root vah, ' to remove, 
to separate, to cleanse '^.' 

I still believe that it would be best if writers on Buddhist 
literature and religion were to adopt Sanskrit throughout 
as the lingua franca. For an accurate understanding of 
the original meaning of most of the technical terms of 
Buddhism a knowledge of their Sanskrit form is indispen- 
sable ; and nothing is lost, while much would be gained, if, 
even in the treating of southern Buddhism, we were to 

' See Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, vol. ii. p. 700, note. That Lassen 
is right in taking the 'S.apixavai, mentioned by Megasthenes, for Brahmanic, not 
for Buddhist ascetics, might be proved also by their dress. Dresses made of 
the bark of trees are not strictly Buddhistic. 

^ See Dhammapada, v. 388 ; Bastian, Vdlker des ostlichen Asien, vol. iii. 
p. 412: 'Ein buddhistischer Monch erklarte mir, dass die Brahmanen ihren 
Namen fuhrten, als Leute, die ihre Siinden abgespiilt hiitten.' See also Lalita- 
vistara, p. 551, line i ; p. 553, line 7. 


speak of the town of .Sravasti instead of Savatthi in Pali, 
Sevet in Sinhalese ; of Tripi/aka, 'the three baskets,' instead 
ofTipi/aka in Pali, Tunpitaka in Sinhalese; of Arthakatha, 
'commentary,' instead of A////akatha in Pali, Atuwava in 
Sinhalese ; and therefore also of Dharmapada, ' the path of 
virtue,^ instead of Dhammapada. 

But inclinations are stronger than arguments. Pali 
scholars prefer their Pali terms, and I cannot blame them 
for it. Mr. D'Alwis (Buddhist Nirvana, p. 68) says : ' It 
will be seen how very difficult it is to follow the rule rigidly. 
We are, therefore, inclined to believe that in translating Pali 
works, at least, much inconvenience may not be felt by the 
retention of the forms of the language in which the Buddhist 
doctrines were originally delivered.' For the sake of uni- 
formity, therefore, I have given up my former plan. I use 
the Pali forms when I quote from Pali, but I still prefer the 
Sanskrit forms, not only when I quote from Sanskrit Bud- 
dhist books, but also when I have to speak of Buddhism in 
general. I speak of Nirvana, dharma, and bhikshu, rather 
than of Nibbana, dhamma, and bhikkhu, when discussing the 
meaning of these words without special reference to southern 
Buddhism ; but when treating of the literature and religion 
of the Theravada school I must so far yield to the argu- 
ments of Pali scholars as to admit that it is but fair to 
use their language when speaking of their opinions. 





I. All that we are is the result of what we have 
thought : it is founded on our thoughts, it is made 
up of our thoughts. If a man speaks or acts with 
an evil thought, pain follows him, as the wheel fol- 
lows the foot of the ox that draws the carriage. 

I. Dharma, though clear in its meaning, is difficult to translate. 
It has different meanings in different systems of philosophy, and its 
peculiar application in the phraseology of Buddhism has been fully 
elucidated by Burnouf, Introduction a I'Histoire du Buddhisme, 
p. 41 seq. He writes: 'Je traduis ordinairement ce terme par 
condition, d'autres fois par lois, mais aucune de ces traductions 
n'est parfaitement complete; il faut entendre par dharma ce qui 
fait qu'une chose est ce qu'elle est, ce qui constitue sa nature 
propre, comme Fa bien montr^ Lassen, a I'occasion de la celebre 
formule, " Ye dharma hetuprabhava." ' Etymological ly the Latin 
for-ma expresses the same general idea which was expressed by 
dhar-ma. See also Burnouf, Lotus de la bonne Loi, p. 524. Faus- 
boU translates : ' Naturae a mente principium ducunt,' which 
shows that he rightly understood dharma in the Buddhist sense. 
Gogerly (see Spence Hardy, Eastern Monachism, p. 28) translates : 
' Mind precedes action,' which, if not wrong, is at all events Avrongly 
expressed ; while Professor Weber's rendering, ' Die Pflichten aus 
dem Herz folgern,' is quite inadmissible. D'Alwis (Buddhist Nir- 
wana, p. 70 seq.), following the commentary, proposes to give a 
more technical interpretation of this verse, viz. ' Mind is the leader 
of all its faculties. Mind is the chief (of all its faculties). The very 
mind is made up of those (faculties). If one speaks or acts with a 
polluted mind, then affliction follows him as the wheel follows the 
feet of the bearer (the bullock).' To me this technical acceptation 


2. All that we are is the result of what we have 
thought : it is founded on our thoughts, it is made 
up of our thoughts. If a man speaks or acts with a 
pure thought, happiness follows him, like a shadow 
that never leaves him. 

3. ' He abused me, he beat me, he defeated me, 
he robbed me,' — in those who harbour such thoughts 
hatred will never cease. 

4. 'He abused me, he beat me, he defeated me, 
he robbed me,' — in those who do not harbour such 
thoughts hatred will cease. 

seems not applicable here, where we have to deal with the simplest 
moral precepts, and not with psychological niceties of Buddhist 
philosophy. It should be stated, however, that Childers, who first 
(s.v. dhamma) approved of my translation, seems afterwards to have 
changed his opinion. On p. 120 of his excellent Pali Dictionary 
he said : ' Three of the five khandhas, viz. vedana, safwla, and sah- 
khara, are collectively termed dhamma (plur.), " mental faculties," 
and in the first verse of Dhammapada the commentator takes the 
word dhamma to mean those three faculties. But this interpretation 
appears forced and unnatural, and I look upon Dr. Max Miiller's 
translation, " All that we are is the result of what we have thought," 
as the best possible rendering of the spirit of the phrase mano pub- 
bahgama dhamma.' But on p. 57 7 the same scholar writes : 'Of 
the four mental khandhas the superiority of vii^ila/za is strongly 
asserted in the first verse of Dhammapada, " The mental faculties 
(vedana, sa?~w1a, and sahkhara) are dominated by IMind, they are 
governed by Mind, they are made up of Mind." That this is the 
true meaning of the passage I am now convinced ; see D'Alwis, Nir- 
wana, pp. 70-75.' I do not deny that this may have been the tra- 
ditional interpretation, at all events since the days of Buddhaghosa, 
but the very legend quoted by Buddhaghosa in illustration of this 
verse shows that its simpler and purely moral interpretation was 
likewise supported by tradition, and I therefore adhere to my 
original translation. 

2. See Beal, Dhammapada, p. 169. 

3. On akkoM/ii, see KaMayana VI, 4, 1 7. D'Alwis, Pali Grammar, 
p. 38 note. * When akkoX'X'//i means " he abused," it is derived 
from kruj, not from krudh.' See Senart, Ka/^Hyana, 1. c. 


,■-=? 5. For hatred does not cease by hatred at any 
time : hatred ceases by love, this is an old rule. 

6. The world does not know that we must all 
come to an end here ; — but those who know it, their 
quarrels cease at once. 

7. He who lives looking for pleasures only, his 
senses uncontrolled, immoderate in his food, idle, 
and weak, Mara (the tempter) will certainly over- 
throw him, as the wind throws down a weak tree. 

8. He who lives without looking for pleasures, 
his senses well controlled, moderate in his food, 
faithful and strong, him Mara will certainly not 
overthrow, any more than the wind throws down 
a rocky mountain. 

9. He who wishes to put on the yellow dress 
without having cleansed himself from sin, who dis- 
regards also temperance and truth, is unworthy of 
the yellow dress, 

6. Pare is explained by ' fools,' but it has that meaning by- 
implication only. It is ol woWoi, of. Vinaya, ed. Oldenberg, vol. i. 
p. 5, 1. 4. Yamamase, a i pers. plur. imp. Atm., but really a Le/ 
in Pali. See Fausboll, Five (ratakas, p. 38. 

7. Mara must be taken in the Buddhist sense of ' tempter,' or 
'evil spirit.' See Burnouf, Introduction, p. 76 : ' Mara est le demon 
de I'amour, du p6ch6 at de la mort ; c'est le tentateur et I'ennemi 
de Buddha.' As to the definite meaning of virya, see Burnouf, 
Lotus, p. 548. 

In the Buddhistical Sanskrit, kusida, * idle,' is the exact counter- 
part of the Pali kusita ; see Burnouf, Lotus, p. 548. On the change 
of Sanskrit d into Pali t, see Kuhn, Beitrage zur Pali Grammatik, 
p. 40; Weber, Ind. Studien, XIII, p. 135. 

9. The dark yellow dress, the Kasava or Kashaya, is the dis- 
tinctive garment of the Buddhist priests. See Vishwu-sfitra LXIII, 
36. The play on the words anikkasavo kasavam, or in Sanskrit 
anishkashaya// kashayam, cannot be rendered in English. Kashaya 
means ' impurity,' nish-kashaya, ' free from impurity,' anish-kashaya, 
' not free from impurity,' while kashaya is the name of the yellowish 


10. But he who has cleansed himself from sin, is 
well grounded in all virtues, and regards also tem- 
perance and truth, he is indeed worthy of the yellow 

11. They who imagine truth in untruth, and see 
untruth in truth, never arrive at truth, but follow 
vain desires. 

12. They who know truth in truth, and untruth 
in untruth, arrive at truth, and follow true desires. 

13. As rain breaks through an ill-thatched house, 
passion will break through an unreflecting mind. 

1 4. As rain does not break through a well- thatched 
house, passion will not break through a well-reflecting 

15. The evil-doer mourns in this world, and he 

Buddhist garment. The pun is evidently a favourite one, for, as 
FausboU shows, it occurs also in the Mahabharata, XII, 568 : 
Anishkashaye kashayam ihartham iti viddhi tam, 
Dharmadhva^ana/w munda,nam vrzltyartham iti me mati^. 
' Know that this yellow-coloured garment on a man who is not free 
from impurity, serves only for the purpose of cupidity ; my opinion 
is, that it is meant to supply the means of living to those shavelings, 
who carry their virtue or the dharma like a flag.' 

(I read vnttyartham, according to the Bombay edition, instead of 
kr/tartham, the reading of the Calcutta edition.) 

On the exact colour of the dress, see Bishop Bigandet, The Life 
or Legend of Gaudama, the Budha of the Burmese, Rangoon, 1866, 
p. 504. Cf. Gataka, vol. ii. p. 198. 

10. With regard to sila, ' virtue,' see Burnouf, Lotus, p. 547. 

11, 12. Sara, which I have translated by ' truth,' has many mean- 
ings in Sanskrit. It means the sap of a thing, then essence or 
reality ; in a metaphysical sense, the highest reality ; in a moral 
sense, truth. It is impossible in a translation to do more than indi- 
cate the meaning of such words, and in order to understand them 
fully, we must know not only their definition, but their history. See 
Beal, Dhammapada, p. 64. 

13. See Beal, Dhammapada, p. 65. 

15. Kili//y^a is klish/a, a participle of klij. It means literally, 


mourns in the next ; he mourns in both. He mourns 
and suffers when he sees the evil of his own work. 

1 6. The virtuous man dehghts in this world, and 
he delights in the next ; he delights in both. He 
delights and rejoices, when he sees the purity of his 
own work. 

17. The evil-doer suffers in this world, and he 
suffers in the next; he suffers in both. He suffers 
when he thinks of the evil he has done ; he suffers 
more when going on the evil path. 

t8. The virtuous man is happy in this world, 
and he is happy in the next ; he is happy in both. 
He is happy when he thinks of the good he has 
done ; he is still more happy when going on the 
good path. 

19. The thoughtless man, even if he can recite 
a large portion (of the law), but is not a doer of 
it, has no share in the priesthood, but is like a 
cowherd counting the cows of others. 

what is spoilt. The abstract noun klei-a, ' evil or sin,' is constantly 
employed in Buddhist works; see Burnouf, Lotus, p. 443. 

16. Like klish/a in the preceding verse, vijuddhi in the present 
has a technical meaning. One of Buddhaghosa's most famous 
works is called Visuddhi-magga. See Burnouf, Lotus, p. 844; 
Beal, Dhammapada, p. 67. 

17, 18. 'The evil path and the good path' are technical expres- 
sions for the descending and ascending scale of worlds through 
which all beings have to travel upward or downward, according to 
their deeds; see Bigandet, Life of Gaudama, p. 5, note 4, and 
p. 449; Burnouf, Introduction, p. 599; Lotus, p. 865, 1. 7 ; 1. 11. 
Fausboll translates ' heaven and hell,' which comes to the same ; 
cf. vv. 126, 306. 

19. In taking sahitam in the sense of sawzhitam or sa^/^hita, I fol- 
low the commentator who says, Tepi/akassa Buddhava/^anass' etaw 
namaffz, but I cannot find another passage where the Tipi/aka, or 
any portion of it, is called Sahita. Sawhita in vv. 100-102 has 
a different meaning. The fact that some followers of Buddha were 


20. The follower of the law, even if he can recite 
only a small portion (of the law), but, having for- 
saken passion and hatred and foolishness, possesses 
true knowledge and serenity of mind, he, caring 
for nothing in this world or that to come, has in- 
deed a share in the priesthood. 

allowed to learn short portions only of the sacred writings by heart, 
and to repeat them, while others had to learn a larger collection, is 
shown by the story of A'akkhupala, p. 3, of Mahakala, p. 26, &c. 
See Childers, s. v. sahita. 

20. Samai^wa, which I have rendered by ' priesthood,' expresses 
all that belongs to, or constitutes a real Sama«a or -Srama^^a, this being 
the Buddhist name corresponding to the Brahmawa, or priest, of 
the orthodox Hindus. Buddha himself is frequently called the 
Good Sama«a. FausboU takes the abstract word sama?l?la as 
corresponding to the Sanskrit samanya, * community,' but Weber 
has well shown that it ought to be taken as representing jramawya. 
He might have quoted the Sama?l«a-phala-sutta, of which Burnouf 
has given such interesting details in his Lotus, p. 449 seq. Faus- 
boU also, in his notes on v. 332, rightly explains sama?mata by 
jramawyata. See Childers, s. v. saman?l.a. 

Anupadiyano, which I have translated by ' caring for nothing,' 
has a technical meaning. It is the negative of the fourth Nidana, 
the so-called Upadana, which Koppen has well explained by 
Anhanglichkeit, ' taking to the world, loving the world.' Koppen, 
Die Religion des Buddha, p. 610. Cf. Suttanipata, v. 470. 




21. Earnestness is the path of immortality (Nir- 
vi/^a), thoughtlessiiess the path of death. Those 
who are in earnest do not die, those who are 
thoughtless are as if dead already, 

2 2. Those who are advanced in earnestness, 
having understood this clearly, delight in earnest- 
ness, and rejoice in the knowledge of the Ariyas 
(the elect). 

23. These wise people, meditative, steady, always 
possessed of strong powers, attain to Nirva/za, the 
highest happiness. 

^ There is nothing in the tenth section of the Dhammapada, as 
translated by Beal, corresponding to the verses of this chapter. 

21. Apramada, which FausboU translates by 'vigilantia,' Gogerly 
by ' religion,' Childers by ' diligence,' expresses literally the absence 
of that giddiness or thoughdessness which characterizes the state of 
mind of worldly people. It is the first entering into oneself, and 
hence all virtues are said to have their root in apramada. (Ye ke^i 
kusala dhamma sabbe te appamadamulaka.) I have translated it 
by ' earnestness,' sometimes by ' reflection.' ' Immortality,' amr/ta, 
is explained by Buddhaghosa as Nirvawa. Amn'ta is used, no 
doubt, as a synonym of Nirva;/a, but this very fact shows how many 
different conceptions entered from the very first into the Nirvawa 
of the Buddhists. See Childers, s. v. nibbana, p. 269. 

This verse, as recited to Ajoka, occurs in the Dipavawisa VI, 
53, and in the Mahavaz?2sa, p. 25. See also Sanatsu^atiya, translated 
by Telang, Sacred Books of the East, vol. viii. p. 138. 

22. The Ariyas, the noble or elect, are those who have entered 
on the path that leads to Nirvawa ; see Koppen, p. 396. Their 
knowledge and general status is minutely described ; see Koppen, 

P- 436. 

23. Childers, s. v. nibbana, thinks that nibbana here and in 
many other places means Arhatship. 

[10] e 


24. If an earnest person has roused himself, if 
he is not forgetful, if his deeds are pure, if he 
acts with consideration, if he restrains himself, and 
lives according to law, — then his glory will increase. 

25. By rousing himself, by earnestness, by restraint 
and control, the wise man may make for himself 
an island which no flood can overwhelm. 

26. Fools follow after vanity, men of evil wis- 
dom. The wise man keeps earnestness as his best 

27. Follow not after vanity, nor after the enjoy- 
ment of love and lust ! He who is earnest and 
meditative, obtains ample joy. 

28. When the learned man drives away vanity 
by earnestness, he, the wise, climbing the terraced 
heights of wisdom, looks down upon the fools, 
serene he looks upon the toiling crowd, as one 
that stands on a mountain looks down upon them 
that stand upon the plain. 

29. Earnest among the thoughtless, awake among 
the sleepers, the wise man advances like a racer, 
leaving behind the hack. 

30. By earnestness did Maghavan (Indra) rise 
to the lordship of the gods. People praise earnest- 
ness ; thoughtlessness is always blamed. 

31. A Bhikshu (mendicant) who delights in 
earnestness, who looks with fear on thoughtless- 

25. Childers explains this island again as the state of an Arhat 

28. Cf. Childers, Dictionary, Preface, p. xiv. See Vinaya, ed. 
Oldenberg, vol. i. p. 5, s. f. 

31. Instead of sahaw, which Dr. Fausboll translates by * vin- 
cens,' Dr. Weber by ' conquering,' I think we ought to read </ahan, 
' burning,' which was evidently the reading adopted by Buddha- 


ness, moves about like fire, burning all his fetters, 
small or large. 

32. A Bhikshu (mendicant) who delights in 
reflection, who looks with fear on thoughtlessness, 
cannot fall away (from his perfect state) — he is close 
upon Nirva/^a. 

ghosa. Mr. R. C. Childers, whom I requested to see whether the 
MS. at the India Office gives saham or da.ha.?n, writes that the 
reading daham is as clear as possible in that MS. The fetters are 
meant for the senses. See verse 370. 
32. See Childers, Notes, p. 5. 

e 2 




33. As a fletcher makes straight his arrow, a 
wise man makes straight his trembHng and un- 
steady thought, which is difficult to guard, difficuh 
to hold back, 

34. As a fish taken from his watery home and 
thrown on the dry ground, our thought trembles 
all over in order to escape the dominion of Mara 
(the tempter). 

35. It is good to tame the mind, which is difficult 
to hold in and flighty, rushing wherever it listeth ; 
a tamed mind brings happiness. 

36. Let the wise man guard his thoughts, for 
they are difficult to perceive, very artful, and they 
rush wherever they list : thoughts well guarded 
bring happiness. 

37. Those who bridle their mind which travels 
far, moves about alone, is without a body, and hides 
in the chamber (of the heart), will be free from 
the bonds of Mara (the tempter). 

38. If a man's thoughts are unsteady, if he does 
not know the true law, if his peace of mind is 
troubled, his knowledge will never be perfect, 

39. If a man's thoughts are not dissipated, if 

33. Cf. Gataka, vol. i. p. 400. 

34. On Mara, see verses 7 and 8. 
35-39. Cf. Gataka, vok i. pp. 312, 400. 

39. FausboU traces anavassuta, 'dissipated,' back to the Sanskrit 


his mind is not perplexed, if he has ceased to think 
of good or evil, then there is no fear for him while 
he is watchful. 

root jyai, 'to become rigid;' but the participle of that root would 
be jita, not j'yuta. Professor Weber suggests that anavassuta stands 
for the Sanskrit anavasruta, which he translates unbefleckt, ' un- 
spotted.' If avasruta were the right word, it might be taken in the 
sense of ' not fallen off, not fallen away,' but it could not mean 
* unspotted ; ' cf. dhairyaw no 'susruvat, ' our firmness ran away.' 
I have little doubt, however, that avassuta represents the Sanskrit 
avajruta, and is derived from the root sru, here used in its tech- 
nical sense, peculiar to the Buddhist literature, and so well explained 
by Burnouf in his Appendix XIV (Lotus, p. 820). He shows that, 
according to Hema^andra and the G^ina-alankara, ajravakshaya, 
Pali asavasaw^khaya is counted as the sixth abhi^«a, wherever six 
of these intellectual powers are mentioned, instead of five. The 
Chinese translate the term in their own Chinese fashion by ' stilla- 
tionis finis,' but Burnouf claims for it the definite sense of destruc- 
tion of faults or vices. He quotes from the Lalita-vistara (Adhyaya 
XXII, ed. Rajendra Lai Mittra, p. 448) the words uttered by 
Buddha when he arrived at his complete Buddhahood : — 
6'ushka ajrava na puna/^ jravanti, 
'The vices are dried up, they will not flow again;' 
and he shows that the Pali Dictionary, the Abhidhanappadipika, 
explains asava simply by kama, ' love, pleasure of the senses.' In 
the Mahaparinibbana-sutta, three classes of asava are distinguished, 
the kamasava, the bhavasava, and the avi^^asava. See also Bur- 
nouf, Lotus, p. 665 ; Childers, s. v. asavo. 

That svn means ' to run,' and is in fact a merely dialectic variety 
of sru, has been proved by Burnouf, while Boehtlingk thinks the 
substitution of s for s is a mistake. A^rava therefore, or asrava, 
meant originally ' the running out towards objects of the senses ' 
(cf. sahga, alaya, &c.), and had nothing to do with asrava, ' a run- 
ning, a sore,' Atharva-veda I, 2, 4. This conception of the ori- 
ginal purport of a-l-jru or ava-JTU is confirmed by a statement of 
Colebrooke's, who, when treating of the (7ainas, writes (Miscella- 
neous Essays, I, 382): ' Asrava is that which directs the embodied 
spirit (asravayati purusham) towards external objects. It is the 
occupation and employment (vr/tti or pravn'tti) of the senses or 
organs on sensible objects. Through the means of the senses it 


40. Knowing that this body is (fragile) Hke a 
jar, and making this thought firm hke a fortress, 
one should attack Mara (the tempter) with the 
weapon of knowledge, one should watch him when 
conquered, and should never rest. 

41. Before long, alas! this body will lie on the 
earth, despised, without understanding, like a use- 
less log. 

42. Whatever a hater may do to a hater, or 

affects the embodied spirit with the sentiment of taction, colour, 
smell, and taste. Or it is the association or connection of body 
with right and wrong deeds. It comprises all the karmas, for they 
(asravayanti) pervade, influence, and attend the doer, following him 
or attaching to him. It is a misdirection (mithya-pravr/tti) of the 
organs, for it is vain, a cause of disappointment, rendering the 
organs of sense and sensible objects subservient to fruition. Sa;?^- 
vara is that which stops (samvrtnoti) the course of the foregoing, 
or closes up the door or passage to it, and consists in self-com- 
mand or restraint of organs internal and external, embracing all 
means of self-control and subjection of the senses, calming and 
subduing them.' 

For a full account of the a^ravas, see Lalita-vistara, ed. Calc. 
pp. 445 and 552, where Kshiwa^rava is given as a name of Buddha. 
A^rava occurs in Apastamba's Dharma-sutras II, 5, 9, where the 
commentator explains it by objects of the senses, by which the 
soul is made to run out. It is better, however, to take a^rava 
here, too, as the act of running out, the affections, appetites, 

40. Anivesana has no doubt a technical meaning, and may 
signify, one who has left his house, his family and friends, to 
become a monk. A monk shall not return to his home, but travel 
about ; he shall be anivesana, ' homeless,' anagara, ' houseless.' 
But I doubt whether this can be the meaning of anivesana here, 
as the sentence, let him be an anchorite, would come in too 
abruptly. I translate it therefore in a more general sense, let him 
not return or turn away from the battle, let him watch Mara, even 
after he is vanquished, let him keep up a constant fight against the 
adversary, without being attached to anything or anybody. 



an enemy to an enemy, a wrongly-directed mind 
will do us greater mischief. 

43. Not a mother, not a father will do so much, 
nor any other relative ; a well-directed mind will 
do us greater service. 

43. See Beal, Dhammapada, p. 73. 




44. Who shall overcome this earth, and the 
world of Yama (the lord of the departed), and 
the world of the gods ? Who shall find out the 
plainly shown path of virtue, as a clever man 
finds out the (right) flower ? 

45. The disciple will overcome the earth, and 
the world of Yama, and the world of the gods. 
The disciple will find out the plainly shown path 
of virtue, as a clever man finds out the (right) 

^ See Beal, Dhammapada, p. 75. 

44, 45. If I differ from the translation of FausboU and Weber, 
it is because the commentary takes the two verbs, vi^^essati and 
pa>^essati, to mean in the end the same thing, i.e. sa/^/^/zi-karissati, 
' he will perceive.' I have not ventured to take vi^essate for vi^a- 
nissati, though it should be remembered that the overcoming of the 
earth and of the worlds below and above, as here alluded to, is 
meant to be achieved by means of knowledge. Pa/^essati, ' he 
will gather' (of. vi-/^i, Indische Spriiche, 4560), means also, like 'to 
gather' in English, 'he will perceive or understand,' and the dham- 
mapada, or ' path of virtue,' is distinctly explained by Buddha- 
ghosa as consisting of the thirty-seven states or stations which lead 
to Bodhi. (See Burnouf, Lotus, p. 430 ; Hardy, Manual, p. 497.) 
Dhammapada might, no doubt, mean also ' a law-verse,' and 
sudesita, ' well taught,' and this double meaning may be intentional 
here as elsewhere. Buddha himself is called Marga-darjaka and 
Marga-dejika (cf. Lai. Vist. p. 551). There is a curious similarity 
between these verses and verses 6540-41, and 9939 of the »S'anti- 
parva : 

Pushpawiva vi/('invantam anyatragatamanasam, 
Anavapteshu kameshu mr/tyur abhyeti manavam, 
'Death approaches man like one who is gathering flowers, and 


46. He who knows that this body is Hke froth, 
and has learnt that it is as unsubstantial as a mirage, 
will break the flower-pointed arrow of Mara, and 
never see the king of death. 

47. Death carries off a man who is gathering 
flowers and whose mind is distracted, as a flood 
carries off a sleeping village. 

48. Death subdues a man who is gathering flowers, 
and whose mind is distracted, before he is satiated 
in his pleasures. 

49. As the bee collects nectar and departs without 
injuring the flower, or its colour or scent, so let a 
sage dwell in his village. 

50. Not the perversities of others, not their sins 

whose mind is turned elsewhere, before his desires have been 


Supta?;/ vyaghraw mahaugho va mr/tyur adaya gaM/^ati, 
Saw/^invanakam evainaw kamanam avitr/ptikam. 

* As a stream (carries off) a sleeping tiger, death carries oif this 

man who is gathering flowers, and who is not satiated in his 


This last verse, particularly, seems to me clearly a translation 

from Pali, and the kam of sa«/('invanakam looks as if put in metri 


46. The flower-arrows of Mara, the tempter, are borrowed from 
Kama, the Hindu god of love. For a similar expression see 
Lalita-vistara, ed. Calc. p. 40, 1. 20, mayamari/^isadnsa vidyutphe- 
nopamaj /^apala-^. It is on account of this parallel passage that 
I prefer to translate mari/^i by ' mirage,' and not by ' sunbeam,' as 
Fausboll, or by ' solar atom,' as Weber proposes. The expression, 
' he will never see the king of death,' is supposed to mean Arhatship 
by Childers, s.v. nibbana, p. 270. 

47. See Thiessen, Die Legende von Kisagotami, p. 9. 

48. Antaka, ' death,' is given as an explanation of Mara in the 
Amarakosha and Abhidhanappadipika (cf. Fausboll, p. 210). 

49. See Beal, Catena, p. 159, where vv. 49 and 50 are ascribed to 
Wessabhu, i. e.Vijvabhia. See also Der Weise und der Thor, p. 134. 


of commission or omission, but his own misdeeds 
and negligences should a sage take notice of. 

51. Like a beautiful flower, full of colour, but 
without scent, are the fine but fruitless words of him 
who does not act accordingly. 

52. But, like a beautiful flower, full of colour and 
full of scent, are the fine and fruitful words of him 
who acts accordingly. 

53. As many kinds of wreaths can be made from 
a heap of flowers, so many good things may be 
achieved by a mortal when once he is born. 

54. The scent of flowers does not travel against 
the wind, nor (that of) sandal-wood, or of Tagara 
and Mallika flowers ; but the odour of good people 
travels even against the wind ; a good man per- 
vades every place. 

55. Sandal- wood or Tagara, a lotus-flower, or a 
Vassiki, among these sorts of perfumes, the perfume 
of virtue is unsurpassed. 

56. Mean is the scent that comes from Tagara 
and sandal-wood ; — the perfume of those who pos- 
sess virtue rises up to the gods as the highest. 

57. Of the people who possess these virtues, who 
live without thoughtlessness, and who are emanci- 

51. St. Matthew xxiii. 3, ' For they say, and do not.' 
54. Tagara, a plant from which a scented powder is made. 
Mallaka or malhka, according to Benfey, is an oil vessel. Hence 
tagaramallika was supposed to mean a bottle holding aromatic 
powder, or oil made of the Tagara. Mallika, however, is given by 
Dr. Eitel (Handbook of Chinese Buddhism) as the name of a 
flower now called Casturi (musk) on account of its rich odour, and 
Dr. Morris informs me that he has found mallika in Pali as a name 
of jasmine. See also Childers, s. v.; Notes, p. 6 ; and Beal, Dhamma- 
pada, p. 76. 


pated through true knowledge, Mara, the tempter, 
never finds the way. 

58, 59. As on a heap of rubbish cast upon the 
highway the Hly will grow full of sweet perfume and 
delight, thus the disciple of the truly enlightened 
Buddha shines forth by his knowledge among those 
who are like rubbish, among the people that walk 
in darkness. 

58, 59. Cf. Beal, Dhammapada, p. 76. 




60. Long is the night to him who is awake ; long 
is a mile to him who is tired ; long is life to the 
foolish who do not know the true la^.'^"'^' ~" 

61. If a traveller does not meet with one who is 
his better, or his equal, let him firmly keep to his 
solitary journey ; there is no companionship with 
a fool. 

62. ' These sons belong to me, and this w^ealth 
belongs to me,' with such thoughts a fool is tor- 
mented. He himself does not belong to himself; 
how much less sons and wealth ? 

63. The fool who knows his foolishness, is wise at 
least so far. But a fool who thinks himself wise, he 
is called a fool indeed. 

64. If a fool be associated with a wise man even 
all his life, he will perceive the truth as little as a 
spoon perceives the taste of soup. 

65. If an intelligent man be associated for one 
minute only with a wise man, he will soon perceive 
the truth, as the tongue perceives the taste of soup. 

66. Fools of little understandingf have themselves 

60. * Life,' sa^isara, is the constant revolution of birth and death 
which goes on for ever until the knowledge of the true law or the 
true doctrine of Buddha enables a man to free himself from sa;«sara, 
and to enter into Nirvawa. See Buddhaghosha's Parables, Parable 
XIX, p. 134. 

61. Cf. Suttanipata, v. 46. 

63. Cf. Beal, Dhammapada, p. 77. 
65, Cf. Beal, Dhammapada, p. 78. 


for their greatest enemies, for they do evil deeds 
which must bear bitter fruits. 

6"/. That deed is not well done of which a man 
must repent, and the reward of which he receives 
crying and with a tearful face. 

68. No, that deed is well done of which a man 
does not repent, and the reward of which he receives 
gladly and cheerfully. 

69. As long as the evil deed done does not bear 
fruit, the fool thinks it is like honey ; but when it 
ripens, then the fool suffers grief. 

70. Let a fool month after month eat his food 
(like an ascetic) with the tip of a blade of Ku^a 
grass, yet is he not worth the sixteenth particle of 
those who have well weighed the law. 

71. An evil deed, like newly-drawn milk, does not 
turn (suddenly) ; smouldering, like fire covered by 
ashes, it follows the fool. 

67. See Beal, I.e. p. 78. 

69. Taken from the Sawyutta-nikdya, where, however, we read 
thananhi instead of madhuva; see Feer, Comptes Rendus, 1871, 
p. 64. 

70. The commentator clearly takes sankhata in the sense of 
sahkhyata, ' reckoned,' for he explains it by watadhamma, tulita- 
dhamma. The eating with the tip of Kusa. grass has reference 
to the fastings performed by the Brahmans, but disapproved of, 
except as a moderate discipline, by the followers of Buddha. This 
verse seems to interrupt the continuity of the other verses which 
treat of the reward of evil deeds, or of the slow but sure ripening 
of every sinful act. See Childers, s. v. sahkhato. 

71. I am not at all certain of the simile, unless mu/^/^ati, as applied 
to milk, can be used in the sense of changing or turning sour. In 
Manu IV, 172, where a similar sentence occurs, the commentators 
are equally doubtful : Nadharmaj- /^arito loke sadya^ phalati gaur 
iva, ' for an evil act committed in the world does not bear fruit at 
once, like a cow;' or 'like the earth (in due season);' or 'like 
milk.' See Childers, Notes, p. 6. 


72. And when the evil deed, after it has become 
known, brings sorrow to the fool, then it destroys 
his bright lot, nay, it cleaves his head. 

73. Let the fool wish for a false reputation, for 
precedence among the Bhikshus, for lordship in the 
convents, for worship among other people ! 

74. ' May both the layman and he who has left the 
world think that this is done by me ; may they be 
subject to me in everything which is to be done or 
is not to be done,' thus is the mind of the fool, and 
his desire and pride increase. 

75. * One is the road that leads to wealth, another 
the road that leads to Nirva;/a;' if the Bhikshu, 
the disciple of Buddha, has learnt this, he will not 
yearn for honour, he will strive after separation 
from the world. 

72. I take i^attam for ^wapitam, the causative of ^?^atam, for 
which in Sanskrit, too, we have the form without i, ^?iaptam. This 
^«aptam, 'made known, revealed,' stands in opposition to the 
Manna, 'covered, hid,' of the preceding verse. Sukkawsa, which 
FausboU explains by jukla;«sa, has probably a more technical and 
special meaning. Childers traces fattam to the Vedic ^jlatram, 
* knowledge.' Fausboll refers to Gataka, vol. i. p. 445, v. 118. 

75. Viveka, which in Sanskrit means chiefly understanding, has 
with the Buddhists the more technical meaning of separation, 
whether separation from the world and retirement to the solitude 
of the forest (kaya-viveka), or separation from idle thoughts (-^itta- 
viveka), or the highest separation and freedom (Nirvawa). 




76. If you see an intelligent man who tells you 
where true treasures are to be found, who shows 
what is to be avoided, and administers reproofs, 
follow that wise man ; it will be better, not worse, 
for those who follow him. 

77. Let him admonish, let him teach, let him 
forbid what is improper ! — he will be beloved of the 
good, by the bad he will be hated. 

78. Do not have evil-doers for friends, do not 
have low people for friends : have virtuous people 
for friends, have for friends the best of men. 

79. He who drinks in the law lives happily with 
a serene mind ; the sage rejoices always in the law, 
as preached by the elect (Ariyas). 

80. Well-makers lead the water (wherever they 
like) ; fletchers bend the arrow ; carpenters bend 
a log of wood ; wise people fashion themselves. 

78. It is hardly possible to take mitte kalyawe in the technical 
sense of kalya;za-mitra, 'ein geistlicher Rath,' a spiritual guide. 
Burnouf (Introd. p. 284) shows that in the technical sense kalyawa- 
mitra was widely spread in the Buddhist world. 

79. Ariya, ' elect, venerable,' is explained by the commentator 
as referring to Buddha and other teachers. 

80. See verses 33 and 145, the latter being a mere repetition of 
our verse. The nettikas, to judge from the commentary and from 
the general purport of the verse, are not simply water-carriers, but 
builders of canals and aqueducts, who force the water to go where 
it would not go by itself. The Chinese translator says, ' the pilot 
manages his ship.' See Beal, 1. c. p. 79. 


8 1. As a solid rock Is not shaken by the wind, 
wise people falter not amidst blame and praise. 

82. Wise people, after they have listened to the 
laws, become serene, like a deep, smooth, and still 

83. Good people walk on whatever befall, the 
good do not prattle, longing for pleasure ; whether 
touched by happiness or sorrow wise people never 
appear elated or depressed. 

84. If, whether for his own sake, or for the sake 
of others, a man wishes neither for a son, nor for 
wealth, nor for lordship, and if he does not wish for 
his own success by unfair means, then he is good, 
wise, and virtuous. 

85. Few are there among men who arrive at the 
other shore (become Arhats); the other people here 
run up and down the shore. 

83. The first line is very doubtful. I have adopted, in my trans- 
lation, a suggestion of Mr. Childers, who writes, ' I think it will be 
necessary to take sabbattha in the sense of" everywhere," or " under 
every condition;" pa«/^akhandadibhedesu, sabbadhammesu, says 
Buddhaghosha. I do not think we need assume that B. means 
the word vi^ahanti to be a synonym of va^anti. I would rather 
take the whole sentence together as a gloss upon the word va^anti : 
— va^antiti arahatta«anena apaka^(37;anta k/ia.nda.raga.7n vi^ahanti; 
va^anti means that, ridding themselves of lust by the wisdom which 
Arhatship confers, they cast it away.' I am inclined to think the 
hne means ' the righteous walk on (unmoved) in all the conditions 
of life.' Ninda, pasawsa, sukha, dukkha are four of the eight 
lokadhammas, or earthly conditions ; the remaining lokadhammas 
are labha, alabha, yasa, ayasa. 

In v. 245, passata, ' by a man who sees,' means * by a man who 
sees clearly or truly.' In the same manner vra^ may mean, not 
simply ' to walk,' but ' to walk properly,' or may be used synony- 
mously with pravra^. 

85. 'The other shore' is meant for Nirvana, 'this shore' for 
common life. On reaching Nirva-'/a, the dominion of death is 


86. But those who, when the law has been well 
preached to them, follow the law, will pass across 
the dominion of death, however difficult to over- 

Sy, 88. A wise man should leave the dark state 
(of ordinary life), and follow the bright state (of the 
Bhikshu). After going from his home to a home- 
less state, he should in his retirement look for 
enjoyment where there seemed to be no enjoy- 
ment. Leaving all pleasures behind, and calling 
nothing his own, the wise man should purge himself 
from all the troubles of the mind. 

89. Those whose mind is well grounded in the 
(seven) elements of knowledge, who without cling- 

overcome. The commentator supplies taritva, ' having crossed,' in 
order to explain the accusative maH'udheyyam. Possibly param 
essanti should here be taken as one word, in the sense of over- 

87, 88. Dark and bright are meant for bad and good ; cf. Sutta- 
nipata, v. 526, and Dhp. v. 167. Leaving one's home is the same 
as becoming a mendicant, without a home or family, an anagara, 
or anchorite. A man in that state of viveka, or retirement (see 
V. 75, note), sees, that where before there seemed to be no pleasure 
there real pleasure is to be found, or vice versa. A similar idea is 
expressed in verse 99. See Burnouf, Lotus, p. 4 7 4, where he speaks 
of ' Le plaisir de la satisfaction, n^ de la distinction.' 

The five troubles or evils of the mind are passion, anger, igno- 
rance, arrogance, pride ; see Burnouf, Lotus, pp. 360, 443. As to 
pariyodapeyya, see verse 183, and Lotus, pp. 523, 528; as to 
akifiy^ano, see Mahabh. XII, 6568, 1240. 

89. The elements of knowledge are the seven Sambodhyangas, 
on which see Burnouf, Lotus, p. 796. D'Alwis explains them as 
the thirty-seven Bodhipakkhiya-dhamma. Khiwasava, which I have 
translated by ' they whose frailties have been conquered,' may also 
be taken in a more metaphysical sense, as explained in the note to 
V. 39. The same applies to the other terms occurring in this verse, 
such as adana, anupadaya, &c. Dr. Fausboll seems inclined to 
[10] f 


ing to anything, rejoice in freedom from attachment, 
whose appetites have been conquered, and who are 
full of light, are free (even) in this world. 

take asava in this passage, and in the other passages where it 
occurs, as the Pah representative of ajraya. But a^raya, in Buddhist 
phraseology, means rather the five organs of sense with manas, 
' the soul,' and these are kept distinct from the asavas, ' the inclina- 
tions, the appetites, passions, or vices.' The commentary on the 
Abhidharma, when speaking of the Yoga^aras, says, ' En r^unissant 
ensemble les receptacles (ajraya), les choses revues (a^rita) et les 
supports (alambana), qui sont chacun composes de six termes, on a 
dix-huit termes qu'on appelle " Dhatus " ou contenants. La col- 
lection des six receptacles, ce sont les organes de la vue, de I'oui'e, 
de I'odorat, du gout, du toucher, et le " manas " (ou I'organe du 
coeur), qui est le dernier. La collection des six choses re9ues, c'est 
la connaissance produite par la vue et par les autres sens jusqu'au 
"manas" inclusivement. La collection des six supports, ce sont la 
forme et les autres attributs sensibles jusqu'au " Dharma" (la loi ou 
I'etre) inclusivement.' See Burnouf, Introduction, p. 449. 

Parinibbuta is again a technical term, the Sanskrit parinivr/ta 
meaning ' freed from all worldly fetters,' like vimukta. See Bur- 
nouf, Introduction, p. 590. See Childers, s. v. nibbana, p. 270, 
and Notes on Dhammapada, p. 3 ; and D'Alwis, Buddhist Nirvawa, 
P- 75- 




90. There is no suffering for him who has finished 
his journey, and abandoned grief, wlio has freed him- 
self on all sides, and thrown off all fetters. 

91. They depart with their thoughts well-collected, 
they are not happy in their abode ; like swans who 
have left their lake, they leave their house and 

92. Men who have no riches, who live on recog- 
nised food, who have perceived void and uncon- 
ditioned freedom (Nirva/za), their path is difficult to 
understand, like that of birds in the air. 

91. Satimanto, Sanskrit smmimanta/z, ' possessed of memory,' 
but here used in the technical sense of sati, the first of the Bodhyan- 
gas. See Burnouf, Introduction, p. 797. Clough translates it by 
' intense thought,' and this is the original meaning of smar, even 
in Sanskrit. See Lectures on the Science of Language, vol. ii. 

P- 332. 

Uyyuyi^anti, which Buddhaghosa explains by ' they exert them- 
selves,' seems to me to signify in this place ' they depart,' i. e. 
they leave their family, and embrace an ascetic life. See note to 
verse 235. See also Rhys Davids, Mahaparinibbana-sutta, Sacred 
Books of the East, vol. xi. p. 22. 

92. Smmato and animitto are adjectives belonging to vimokho, 
one of the many names of Nirvawa, or, according to Childers, s. v. 
nibbana, p. 270, Arhatship; see Burnouf, Litroducdon, pp. 442, 
462, on i'iinya. The Sanskrit expression junyatanimittaprawihitam 
occurs in L'enfant egar^, 5 a, 1. 4. Nimitta is cause in the most 
general sense, i. e. what causes existence. The commentator ex- 
plains it chiefly in a moral sense : Ragadinimittabhavena animitta»2, 
tehi ka. vimuttan ti animitto vimokho, i. e. owing to the absence of 
passion and other causes, without causation ; because freed from 

f 2 


93. He whose appetites are stilled, who is not 
absorbed in enjoyment, who has perceived void and 
unconditioned freedom (Nirva/za), his path is diffi- 
cult to understand, like that of birds in the air. 

94. The gods even envy him whose senses, like 
horses well broken in by the driver, have been 
subdued, who is free from pride, and free from 

95. Such a one who does his duty is tolerant like 
the earth, like Indra's bolt ; he is like a lake without 
mud ; no new births are in store for him. 

96. His thought is quiet, quiet are his word and 
deed, when he has obtained freedom by true know- 
ledge, when he has thus become a quiet man. 

these causes, therefore it is called freedom without causation. See 
Childers, Pali Dictionary, p. 270, col. 2, line i. 

The simile is intended to compare the ways of those who have 
obtained spiritual freedom to the flight of birds, it being difficult 
to understand how the birds move on without putting their feet on 
anything. This, at least, is the explanation of the commentator. 
The same metaphor occurs Mahabh. XII, 6763. Childers translates, 
' leaving no more trace of existence than a bird in the air.' 

95. Without the hints given by the commentator, we should 
probably take the three similes of this verse in their natural sense, 
as illustrating the imperturbable state of an Arahanta, or venerable 
person. The earth is always represented as an emblem of patience; 
the bolt of Indra, if taken in its technical sense, as the bolt of a 
gate, might likewise suggest the idea of firmness ; while the lake is 
a constant representative of serenity and purity. The commentator, 
however, suggests that what is meant is, that the earth, though 
flowers are cast on it, does not feel pleasure, nor the bolt of Indra 
displeasui-e, although less savoury things are thrown upon it ; and 
that in like manner a wise person is indiflferent to honour and dis- 

96. That this very natural threefold division, thought, word, and 
deed, the trividha-dvara or the three doors of the Buddhists (Hardy, 
IManual, p. 494), was not peculiar to the Buddhists or unknown to 


97. The man who is free from creduHty, but knows 
the uncreated, who has cut all ties, removed all 
temptations, renounced all desires, he is the greatest 
of men. 

the Brahmans, has been proved against Dr. Weber by Professor 
Koppen in his 'Religion des Buddha,' I, p. 445. He particularly called 
attention to Manu XII, 4-8 ; and he might have added Mahabh. 
XII, 4059, 6512, 6549, 6554; XIII, 5677, &c. Dr. Weber has 
himself afterwards brought forward a passage from the Atharva- 
veda, VI, 96, 3 {yzk ^akshusha manasa ya/^ ka. va/^a uparima), 
which, however, has a different meaning. A better one was quoted 
by him from the Taitt. Ar. X, i, 12 (yan me manasa, va/ta, karmawa 
va dusYikn'tam kr/tam). Similar expressions have been shown to 
exist in the Zend-avesta, and among the Manichseans (Lassen, 
Indische Alterthumskunde, III, p. 414; see also Boehtlingk's Dic- 
tionary, s. V. kaya, and Childers, s. v. kayo). There was no ground, 
therefore, for supposing that this formula had found its way into 
the Christian liturgy from Persia, for, as Professor Cowell remarks 
(Journal of Philology, vol. vii. p, 215), Greek writers, such as Plato, 
employ very similar expressions, e.g. Protag. p. 348, 30, npos anav 
f'pyov KoX Xoyov Koi diavorjiia. In fact, the Opposition between words 
and deeds occurs in almost every writer, from Homer downwards ; 
and the further distinction between thoughts and words is clearly 
implied even in such expressions as, 'they say in their heart.' That 
the idea of sin committed by thought was not a new idea, even to the 
Jews, may be seen from Prov. xxiv. 9, ' the thought of foolishness 
is sin.' In the Apastamba-sutras, lately edited by Professor Biihler, 
we find the expression, atho yatki'fi/^'a manasa vaX'a X'akshusha va 
safikalpayan dhyayaty ahabhivipa^yati va tathaiva tad bhavatityu- 
padi^ranti, ' they say that whatever a Brahman intending with his 
mind, voice, or eye, thinks, says, or looks, that will be.' This is 
clearly a very different division, and it is the same which is intended 
in the passage from the Atharva-veda, quoted above. In the mis- 
chief done by the eye, we have, perhaps, the first indication of the 
evil eye. (Mahabh. XII, 3417. See Dhammapada, vv. 231-234.) 
On the technical meaning of tadi, see Childers, s.v. D'Alwis 
(p. 78) has evidently received the right interpretation, but has not 
understood it. Madma also is used very much like tadma, and 
from it mariso, a venerable person, in Sanskrit marsha. 


98. In a hamlet or in a forest, in the deep water 
or on the dry land, wherever venerable persons 
(Arahanta) dwell, that place is delightful. 

99. Forests are delightful ; where the world finds 
no delight, there the passionless will find delight, 
for they look not for pleasures. 




100. Even though a speech be a thousand (of 
words), but made up of senseless words, one word 
of sense is better, which if a man hears, he becomes 

loi. Even though a Gatha (poem) be a thousand 
(of words), but made up of senseless words, one 
word of a Gatha is better, which if a man hears, he 
becomes quiet. 

102. Though a man recite a hundred Gathas made 
up of senseless words, one word of the law is better, 
which if a man hears, he becomes quiet. 

103. If one man conquer in battle a thousand 
times thousand men, and if another conquer himself, 
he is the greatest of conquerors. 

104. 105. One's own self conquered is better than 
all other people ; not even a god, a Gandharva, not 
Mara with Brahman could change into defeat the 

100. This Sahasravarga, or Chapter of the Thousands, is quoted 
by that name in the ]\Iahavastu (Minayeff, Melanges Asiatiques, VI, 
p. 583): Tesham Bhagavafi ^a/ilanaw Dharmapadeshu sahasra- 
vargam bhashati : ' Sahasram api va-^anam anarthapadasa;«hitanam, 
ekarthavati sveya yam jrutva upa^amyati. Sahasram api gathanam 
anarthapadasawhitanam, ekarthavati jreya yaw^ j'rutva upa^amyati' 
(MS. R. A. S. Lond.) Here the Pah text seems decidedly more 
original and perfect. 

104. G\ta?n, according to the commentator, stands for_§^ito (lin- 
gavipallaso, i. e. viparyasa) ; see also Senart in Journal Asiatique, 
1880, p. 500. 

The Devas (gods), Gandharvas (fairies), and other fanciful beings 
of the Brahmanic religion, such as the Nagas, Sarpas, GaiWas, &c., 


victory of a man who has vanquished himself, and 
always lives under restraint. 

1 06. If a man for a hundred years sacrifice month 
after month with a thousand, and if he but for one 
moment pay homage to a man whose soul is grounded 
(in true knowledge), better is that homage than a 
sacrifice for a hundred years. 

107. If a man for a hundred years worship Agni 
(fire) in the forest, and if he but for one moment pay 
homage to a man whose soul is grounded (in true 
knowledge), better is that homage than sacrifice for 
a hundred years. 

108. Whatever a man sacrifice in this world as an 
offering or as an oblation for a whole year in order to 
gain merit, the whole of it is not worth a quarter (a 
farthing) ; reverence shown to the righteous is better. 

were allowed to continue in the traditional language of the people 
who had embraced Buddhism. See the pertinent remarks of Burnouf, 
Introduction, pp. 134 seq., 184. On Mara, the tempter, see v. 7. 
Sastram Aiyar, On the G^aina Religion, p. xx, says : ' Moreover as 
it is declared in the Gaina Vedas that all the gods worshipped by 
the various Hindu sects, viz. -S'iva, Brahma, Vish«u, Ga«aj>ati, 
Subramaniyan, and others, were devoted adherents of the above- 
mentioned Tirthahkaras, the G^ainas therefore do not consider 
them as unworthy of their worship ; but as they are servants of 
Arugan, they consider them to be deities of their system, and 
accordingly perform certain pii^as in honour of them, and worship 
them also.' The case is more doubtful with orthodox Buddhists. 
'Orthodox Buddhists,' as Mr. D'Alwis writes (Attanagalu-vansa, 
p. 55), 'do not consider the worship of the Devas as being sanc- 
tioned by him who disclaimed for himself and all the Devas any 
power over man's soul. Yet the Buddhists are everywhere idol- 
worshippers. Buddhism, however, acknowledges the existence of 
some of the Hindu deities, and from the various friendly offices 
which those Devas are said to have rendered to Gotama, Buddhists 
evince a respect for their idols.' See also Buddhaghosha's Parables, 
p. 162. 


109. He who always greets and constantly reveres 
the aged, four things will increase to him, viz. life, 
beauty, happiness, power. 

no. But he who lives a hundred years, vicious 
and unrestrained, a life of one day is better if a man 
is virtuous and reflecting. 

111. And he who lives a hundred years, ignorant 
and unrestrained, a life of one day is better if a man 
is wise and reflecting. 

1 1 2. And he who lives a hundred years, idle and 
weak, a life of one day is better if a man has attained 
firm strenoth. 

113. And he who lives a hundred years, not seeing 
beginning and end, a life of one day is better if a 
man sees beginning and end. 

114. And he who lives a hundred years, not 
seeing the immortal place, a life of one day is better 
if a man sees the immortal place. 

115. And he who lives a hundred years, not 
seeing the highest law, a life of one day is better 
if a man sees the highest law. 

109. Dr. Fausboll, in a most important note, called attention to 
the fact that the same verse, with slight variations, occurs in INIanu. 
We there read, II, 121 : 

Abhivadana^ilasya nitya^« vr/ddhopasevina^, 
-^atvari sampravardhante ayur vidy^ yajo balam. 
Here the four things are, life, knowledge, glory, power. 

In the Apastamba-sutras, I, 2, 5, 15, the reward promised for 
the same virtue is svargam ayus ^a, 'heaven and long life.' It 
seems, therefore, as if the original idea of this verse came from the 
Brahmans, and was afterwards adopted by the Buddhists. How 
largely it spread is shown by Dr. Fausboll from the Asiatic Re- 
searches, XX, p. 259, where the same verse of the Dhammapada 
is mentioned as being in use among the Buddhists of Siam. 

112. On kusito, see note to verse 7. 




it6. If a man would hasten towards the good, 
he should keep his thought away from evil ; if a 
man does what is good slothfully, his mind delights 
in evil, 

117. If a man commits a sin, let him not do it 
again ; let him not delight in sin : pain is the out- 
come of evil. 

118. If a man does what is good, let him do it 
again ; let him delight in it : happiness is the out- 
come of good. 

119. Even an evil-doer sees happiness as long as 
his evil deed has not ripened ; but when his evil 
deed has ripened, then does the evil-doer see evil. 

120. Even a good man sees evil days, as long as 
his good deed has not ripened ; but when his good 
deed has ripened, then does the good man see happy 

121. Let no man think lightly of evil, saying in 
his heart. It will not come nigh unto me. Even by 
the falling of water-drops a water-pot is filled ; the 
fool becomes full of evil, even if he gather it little 
by little. 

122. Let no man think lightly of good, saying in 
his heart. It w^ill not come nigh unto me. Even by 
the falling of water-drops a water-pot is filled ; the 
wise man becomes full of good, even if he gather it 
little by little. ji<^^_ £n» 

123. Let a man avoid evil deeds, as a merchant, 
if he has few companions and carries much wealth, 

EVIL. 35 

avoids a dangerous road ; as a man who loves life 
avoids poison. 

124. He who has no wound on his hand, may 
touch poison with his hand ; poison does not affect 
one who has no wound ; nor is there evil for one 
who does not commit evil. 

125. If a man offend a harmless, pure, and inno- 
cent person, the evil falls back upon that fool, like 
light dust thrown up against the wind. 

126. Some people are born again; evil-doers go 
to hell ; righteous people go to heaven ; those who 
are free from all worldly desires attain Nirva^^a. 

127. Not in the sky, not in the midst of the sea, 
not if we enter into the clefts of the mountains, is 
there known a spot in the whole world where a 
man might be freed from an evil deed. 

128. Not in the sky, not in the midst of the sea, 
not if we enter into the clefts of the mountains, is 
there known a spot in the whole world where death 
could not overcome (the mortal). 

125. Cf. Suttanipata, V. 661 ; Indische Spriiche, 1582; Katha- 
saritsagara, 49, 222. 

126. For a description of hell and its long, yet not endless 
sufferings, see Buddhaghosha's Parables, p. 132. The pleasures of 
heaven, too, are frequently described in these Parables and else- 
where. Buddha himself enjoyed these pleasures of heaven, before he 
was born for the last time. It is probably when good and evil deeds 
are equally balanced, that men are born again as human beings ; 
{his, at least, is the opinion of the G^ainas. Cf. Chintamawi, ed. 
H. Bower, Introd. p. xv. 

127. Cf. St. Luke xii. 2, ' For there is nothing covered that shall 
not be revealed;' and Psalm cxxxix. 8-12. 




^ 129. All men tremble at punishment, all men fear 
death ; remember that you are like unto them, and 
do not kill, nor cause slaughter. 

I T,o. All men tremble at punishment, all men love 
life ; remember that thou art like unto them, and do 
not kill, nor cause slaughter. 

131. He who seeking his own happiness punishes 
or kills beings who also long for happiness, will not 
find happiness after death. 

129. One feels tempted, no doubt, to take upama in the sense 
of ' the nearest (der Nachste), the neighbour,' and to translate, 
'having made oneself one's neighbour,' i.e. loving one's neighbour 
as oneself. But as upamam, with a short a, is the correct accusadve 
of upama, we must translate, ' having made oneself the likeness, 
the image of others, having placed oneself in the place of others.' 
This is an expression which occurs frequently in Sanskrit ; of. 
Hitopadeja I, 1 1 : 

Pra;?a yathatmano 'bhish/a bhutanam api te tatha, 
Atmaupamyena bhuteshu daya/// kurvanti sadhava//. 
*As life is dear to oneself, it is dear also to other living beings: 
by comparing oneself with others, good people bestow pity on all 

See also Hit. I, 12; Ram. V, 23, 5, atmanam upama;« k/vtva 
sveshu dareshu ramyatam, ' making oneself a likeness, i. e. putting 
oneself in the position of other people, it is right to love none but 
one's own wife.' Dr. FausboU has called attention to similar pas- 
sages in the Mahabharata, XIII, 5569 seq. 

130. Cf St. Luke vi. 31. 

131. Dr. FausboU points out the striking similarity between this 
verse and two verses occurring in Manu and the Mahabharata : — 


"^132. He who seeking his own happiness does not 
punish or kill beings who also long for happiness, 
will find happiness after death. 

133. Do not speak harshly to anybody; those 
who are spoken to will answer thee in the same 
way. Angry speech is painful, blows for blows will 
touch thee. 

134. If, like a shattered metal plate (gong), thou 
utter not, then thou hast reached Nirva/^a; conten- 
tion is not known to thee. 

135. As a cowherd with his staff drives his cows 
into the stable, so do Age and Death drive the life 
of men. 

136. A fool does not know when he commits his 
evil deeds : but the wicked man burns by his own 
deeds, as if burnt by fire. 

137. He who inflicts pain on innocent and harm- 
less persons, will soon come to one of these ten 
states : 

Manu V, 45 : 

Yo 'hi;;/sakani bhutani hinasty atmasukhe-^'/^/;aya, 
Sa gi'va.r?is -('a mn'tas /^aiva na kva/^it sukham edhate. 
Mahabharata XIII, 5568 : 

Ahi77zsakani bhutani dawa'ena vinihanti ya//, 
Atmana,^ sukham \Ak/i-3.n sa pretya naiva sukhi bhavet. 
If it were not for ahi7«sakani, in which Manu and the Mahabharata 
agree, I should say that the verses in both were Sanskrit modifica- 
tions of the Pali original. The verse in the Mahabharata presup- 
poses the verse of the Dhammapada. 

133. See Mahabharata XII, 4056. 

134. See Childers, s.v. nibbana, p. 270, and s. v. ka;/2S0 ; D'AIwis, 
Buddhist Nirva^/a, p. 35. 

136. The metaphor of 'burning' for 'sutfering' is very 
common in Buddhist literature. Everything burns, i. e. every- 
thing suffers, was one of the first experiences of Buddha himself. 
See V. 146. 


138. He will have cruel suffering, loss, injury of 
the body, heavy affliction, or loss of mind, 

139. Or a misfortune coming from the king, or 
a fearful accusation, or loss of relations, or destruc- 
tion of treasures, 

140. Or lightning-fire will burn his houses ; and 
when his body is destroyed, the fool will go to hell. 

141. Not nakedness, not platted hair, not dirt, not 
fasting, or lying on the earth, not rubbing with dust, 

138. 'Cruel suffering' is explained by sisaroga, 'headache,' &c. 
' Loss' is taken for loss of money. ' Injury of the body ' is held to 
be the cutting off of the arm, and other limbs. ' Heavy afflictions ' 
are, again, various kinds of diseases. 

139. Upasarga means 'accident, misfortune.' Dr. FausboU 
translates ra^ato va upassaggam by ' fulgentis (lunae) defectionem ;' 
Dr. Weber by ' Bestrafung vom Konig;' Beal by ' some govern- 
mental difficulty.' Abbhakkhanam, Sanskrit abhyakhyanam, is a 
heavy accusation for high treason, or similar offences. Beal trans- 
lates, ' some false accusation.' The ' destruction of pleasures or 
treasures' is explained by gold being changed to coals (see Buddha- 
ghosha's Parables, p. 98 ; Thiessen, Kisagotami, p. 6), pearls to 
cotton seed, corn to potsherds, and by men and cattle becoming 
blind, lame, &c. 

141. Cf. Hibbert Lectures, p. 355. Dr. FausboU has pointed out 
that the same or a very similar verse occurs in a legend taken from 
the Divyavadana, and translated by Burnouf (Introduction, p. 313 
seq.) Burnouf translates the verse : ' Ce n'est ni la coutume de 
marcher nu, ni les cheveux nattds, ni I'usage d'argile, ni le choix 
des diverses especes d'aliments, ni I'habitude de coucher sur la 
terre nue, ni la poussifere, ni la malpropretd, ni I'attention a fuir 
I'abri d'un toit, qui sont capables de dissiper le trouble dans lequel 
nous jettent les ddsirs non-satisfaits ; mais qu'un homme, maitre 
de ses sens, calme, recueilli, chaste, dvitant de faire du mal a aucune 
creature, accomplisse la Loi, et il sera, quoique pard d'ornements, 
un Brahmane, un ^ramana, un Religieux.' See also Suttanipata, 
V. 248. 

Walking naked and the other things mentioned in our verse 
are outward signs of a saintly life, and these Buddha rejects because 
they do not calm the passions. Nakedness he seems to have 


not sitting motionless, can purify a mortal who has 
not overcome desires. 

142. He who, though dressed in fine apparel, 
exercises tranquillity, is quiet, subdued, restrained, 
chaste, and has ceased to find fault with all other 
beings, he indeed is a Brahma;^a, an ascetic (i"ra- 
mana), a friar (bhikshu). 

143. Is there in this world any man so restrained 
by humility that he does not mind reproof, as a 
well-trained horse the whip ? 

144. Like a well-trained horse when touched by 

rejected on other grounds too, if we may judge from the Suma- 
gadha-avadana : ' A number of naked friars were assembled in the 
house of the daughter of Anatha-pi«fi?ika. She called her daughter- 
in-law, Sumagadha, and said, " Go and see those highly respectable 
persons." Sumagadha, expecting to see some of the saints, like 
»Sariputra, Maudgalyayana, and others, ran out full of joy. But 
when she saw these friars with their hair like pigeon wings, covered 
by nothing but dirt, offensive, and looking like demons, she became 
sad. " Why are you sad?" said her mother-in-law. Sumagadha 
replied, "O mother, if these are saints, what must sinners be like?"' 

Burnouf (Introduction, p. 312) supposed that the (9ainas only, 
and not the Buddhists, allowed nakedness. But the Gainas, too, 
do not allow it universally. They are divided into two parties, the 
-Svetambaras and Digambaras. The -Svetambaras, clad in white, 
are the followers of Parjvanatha, and wear clothes. The Digam- 
baras, i. e. sky-clad, disrobed, are followers of Mahavira, resident 
chiefly in Southern India. At present they, too, wear clothing, 
but not when eating. See Sastram Aiyar, p. xxi. 

The ^a/a, or the hair platted and gathered up in a knot, was a 
sign of a 6'aiva ascetic. The sitting modonless is one of the pos- 
tures assumed by ascetics. Clough explains ukku/ika as ' the act 
of sitting on the heels ;' Wilson gives for utka/ukasana, ' sitting on 
the hams.' See Fausboll, note on verse 140. 

142. As to dawf/anidhana, see Mahabh. XII, 6559, and Sutta- 
nipata, v. 34. 

143, 144. I am very doubtful as to the real meaning of these 
verses. If their object is to show how reproof or punishment 


the whip, be ye active and lively, and by faith, by 
virtue, by energy, by meditation, by discernment of 
the law you will overcome this great pain (of reproof), 
perfect in knowledge and in behaviour, and never 

145. Well-makers lead the water (wherever they 
like) ; fletchers bend the arrow ; carpenters bend 
a log of wood ; good people fashion themselves. 

should be borne, my translation would be right, though alpabodhati 
in the sense of parvi facere is strange. 

145. The same as verse 80. According to Fausboll and Subhuti 
we ought to render the verses by, ' What man is there found on 
earth so restrained by shame that he never provokes reproof, as a 
good horse the whip ? ' See Childers, s. v. appabodhati. 

OLD AGE. 41 



146. How is there laughter, how is there joy, as 
this world is always burning ? Why do you not 
seek a light, ye who are surrounded by darkness ? 

147. Look at this dressed-up lump, covered with 
wounds, joined together, sickly, full of many thoughts, 
which has no strength, no hold ! 

148. This body is wasted, full of sickness, and 
frail ; this heap of corruption breaks to pieces, life 
indeed ends in death. 

148. Dr. Fausboll informs me that Childers proposed the emen- 
dation mara??anta?« hi ^ivitara. The following extract from a letter, 
addressed by Childers to Dr. Fausboll, will be read with interest : — 
'As regards Dhp. v. 148, I have no doubt whatever. I quite agree 
with you that the idea (mors est vita ejus) is a profound and noble 
one, but the question is, Is the idea there? I think not. Marawaiw 
tamhi ^ivita;;z is not Pali, I mean not a Pali construction, and 
years ago even it grated on my ear as a harsh phrase. The reading 
of your MSS. of the texts is nothing; your MSS. of Dhammapada 
are very bad ones, and it is merely the vicious Sinhalese spelling of 
bad MSS., like kammarataz'z for kammanta/«. But the comment sets 
the question at rest at once, for it explains marawantaw by mara«a- 
pariyosana;?;, which is exactly the same. I see there is one serious 
difficulty left, that all your MSS. seem to have tamhi, and not 
tarn hi ; but are you sure it is so ? There was a Dhammapada in 
the India Office Library, and I had a great hunt for it a few days 
ago, but to my deep disappointment it is missing. I do not agree 
with you that the sentence " All Life is bounded by Death," is 
trivial : it is a truism, but half the noblest passages in poetry are 
truisms, and unless I greatly mistake, this very passage will be found 
in many other literatures.' 

Dr. Fausboll adds : — 

'I have still the same doubt as before, because of all my 

[10] g 


149. Those white bones, like gourds thrown away 
in the autumn, what pleasure is there in looking at 
them ? 

150. After a stronghold has been made of the 
bones, it is covered with flesh and blood, and there 
dwell in it old age and death, pride and deceit. 

151. The brilliant chariots of kings are destroyed, 
the body also approaches destruction, but the virtue 
of good people never approaches destruction, — thus 
do the good say to the good. 

152. A man who has learnt little, grows old like 
an ox ; his flesh grows, but his knowledge does not 

153. 154. Looking for the maker of this taber- 
nacle, I shall have to run through a course of many 
births, so long as I do not find (him) ; and painful is 
birth again and again. But now, maker of the taber- 
nacle, thou hast been seen ; thou shalt not make up 

MSS. reading tamhi. I do not know the readings 
of the London MSS. The explanation of the commentary does 
not settle the question, as it may as well be considered an 
explanation of my reading as of the reading which Childers 
proposed. — V. Fausboll.' 

149. In the Rudraya«avadana of the Divyavadana this verse 
appears as, 

Yanimany apariddhani vikshiptani diso disa./i, 
Kapctavarwany asthini tani dr/sh/vaiha ka rati-^. 
See Schiefner, M^l. Asiat. VIII, p. 589 ; Gataka, vol. i. p. 322. 

150. The expression ma»/salohitalepanam is curiously like the 
expression used in Manu VI, 76, maz'/sa^owitalepanam, and in 
several passages of the Mahabharata, XII, 12462, 12053, ^s pointed 
out by Dr. Fausboll. 

153, 154. These two verses are famous among Buddhists, for 
they are the words which the founder of Buddhism is supposed 
to have uttered at the moment he attained to Buddhahood. (See 
Spence Hardy, Manual, p. 180.) According to the Lalita-vistara, 
however, the words uttered on that solemn occasion were those 

OLD AGE. 43 

this tabernacle again. All thy rafters are broken, 
thy ridge-pole is sundered ; the mind, approaching 
the Eternal (visankhara, nirvana), has attained to 
the extinction of all desires. 

quoted in the note to verse 39. In the commentary on the 
Brahma^ala this verse is called the first speech of Buddha, his last 
speech being the words in the Mahaparinibbana-sutta, ' Life is 
subject to age ; strive in earnest.' The words used in the Maha- 
parinibbana-sutta, Chap. IV, 2, ^atunnawz dhammanam ananubodha 
appa/ivedha evam idaw digham addhanaw sandhavitaw sa7«saritaw 
mamaw k' eva tumhakail- ka., answer to the anticipation expressed 
in our verse. 

The exact rendering of this verse has been much discussed, chiefly 
by Mr. D'Alwis in the Attanugaluvansa, p. cxxviii, and again in his 
Buddhist Nirvawa, p. 78 ; also by Childers, Notes on Dhammapada, 
p. 4, and in his Dictionary. Gogerly translated : ' Through various 
transmigrations I must travel, if I do not discover the builder whom 
I seek.' Spence Hardy : ' Through many different births I have run 
(to me not having found), seeking the architect of the desire-re- 
sembHng house.' Fausboll : ' Multiplices generationis revolutiones 
percurreram,non inveniens,domus (corporis) fabricatorem quaerens.' 
And again (p. 322): 'Multarum generationum revolutio mihi sub- 
eunda esset, nisi invenissem domus fabricatorem.' Childers: ' I have 
run through the revolution of countless births, seeking the architect 
of this dwelling and finding him not.' D'Alwis : ' Through transmi- 
grations of numerous births have I run, not discovering, (though) 
seeking the house-builder.' All depends on how we take sandha- 
vissam, which Fausboll takes as a conditional, Childers, following 
Trenckner, as an aorist, because the sense imperatively requires 
an aorist. In either case, the dropping of the augment and the 
doubling of the s are, however, irregular. Sandhavissam is the 
regular form of the future, and as such I translate it, qualifying, 
however, the future, by the participle present anibbisan, i, e. not 
finding, and taking it in the sense of, if or so long as I do not find 
the true cause of existence. I had formerly translated anibbisan, 
as not resting (anirvii-an), but the commentator seems to authorise 
the meaning of not finding (avindanto, alabhanto), and in that case 
all the material difficulties of the verse seem to me to disappear. 

' The maker of the tabernacle ' is explained as a poetical expres- 
sion for the cause of new births, at least according to the views of 



155. Men who have not observed proper disci- 
pline, and have not gained treasure in their youth, 
perish Hke old herons in a lake without fish. 

156. Men who have not observed proper disci- 
pline, and have not gained treasure in their youth, 
lie, like broken bows, sighing after the past. 

Buddha's followers, whatever his own views may have been. Bud- 
dha had conquered Mara, the representative of worldly temptations, 
the father of worldly desires, and as desires (taw^ha) are, by means 
of upadana and bhava, the cause of ^ati, or 'birth,' the destruction of 
desires and the conquest of Mara are nearly the same thing, though 
expressed differently in the philosophical and legendary language 
of the Buddhists. Tawha, ' thirst' or ' desire,' is mentioned as 
serving in the army of Mara. (Lotus, p. 443.) 

1 55. On ^/^ayanti, i. e. kshayanti, see Dr. Bollensen's learned 
remarks, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellschaft, XVIII, 
834, and Boehtlingk-Roth, s.v. ksha. 

SELF. 45 



157. If a man hold himself dear, let him watch 
himself carefully ; during one at least out of the 
three watches a wise man should be watchful. 

158. Let each man direct himself first to what is 
proper, then let him teach others ; thus a wise man 
will not suffer. 

159. If a man make himself as he teaches others 
to be, then, being himself well subdued, he may sub- 
due (others) ; one's own self is indeed difficult to 

160. Self is the lord of self, w^ho else could be 
the lord ? With self well subdued, a man finds a 
lord such as few can find. 

161. The evil done by oneself, self-begotten, self- 
bred, crushes the foolish, as a diamond breaks a 
precious stone. 

162. He whose wickedness is very great brings 
himself down to that state where his enemy wishes 
him to be, as a creeper does with the tree which it 

163. Bad deeds, and deeds hurtful to ourselves, 
are easy to do ; what is beneficial and good, that is 
very difficult to do. 

157. The three watches of the night are meant for the three 
stages of hfe. Cf. St. Mark xiii. 37, 'And what I say unto you, 
I say unto all, Watch.' 

158. Cf. G^ataka, vol. ii. p. 441. 

161. The Chinese translation renders va^iram by ' steel drill.' 


164. The foolish man who scorns the rule of the 
venerable (Arahat), of the elect (Ariya), of the vir- 
tuous, and follows false doctrine, he bears fruit to 
his own destruction, like the fruits of the Ka///^aka 

165. By oneself the evil is done, by oneself one 
suffers ; by oneself evil is left undone, by oneself 
one is purified. Purity and impurity belong to one- 
self, no one can purify another, 

166. Let no one forget his own duty for the sake 
of another's, however great ; let a man, after he has 
discerned his own duty, be always attentive to his 

164. The reed either dies after it has borne fruit, or is cut down 
for the sake of its fruit. 

'D\ilh\, Hterally ' view,' is used even by itself, Uke the Greek 
'hairesis,' in the sense of heresy (see Burnouf, Lotus, p. 444). In 
other places a distinction is made between xmkkh^dxtthx (vv. 167, 
316) and sammadi/Mi (v. 319). If arahatawz ariyanara are used in 
their technical sense, we should translate ' the reverend Arhats,' — 
Arhat being the highest degree of the four orders of Ariyas, viz. 
Srotaapanna, Sakadagamin, Anagamin, and Arhat. See note to 
verse 178. 

166, Attha, lit. 'object,' must here be taken in a moral sense, 
as ' duty ' rather than as ' advantage.' Childers rendered it by 
' spiritual good.' The story which Buddhaghosa tells of the Thera 
Attadattha gives a clue to the origin of some of his parables, which 
seem to have been invented to suit the text of the Dhammapada 
rather than vice versa. A similar case occurs in the commentary 
to verse 227. 




167. Do not follow the evil law! Do not live on 
in thoughtlessness ! Do not follow false doctrine ! 
Be not a friend of the world. 

168. Rouse thyself! do not be idle! Follow the 
law of virtue! The virtuous rests in bliss in this 
world and in the next. 

169. Follow the law of virtue ; do not follow that 
of sin. The virtuous rests in bliss in this world and 
in the next. 

1 70. Look upon the world as a bubble, look upon 
it as a mirage : the king of death does not see him 
who thus looks down upon the world. 

171. Come, look at this glittering world, like unto 
a royal chariot ; the foolish are immersed in it, but 
the wise do not touch it. 

172. He who formerly was reckless and after- 
wards became sober, brightens up this world, like 
the moon when freed from clouds. 

173. He whose evil deeds are covered by good 
deeds, brightens up this world, like the moon when 
freed from clouds. 

1 74. This world is dark, few only can see here ; a few 
only go to heaven, like birds escaped from the net. 

175. The swans go on the path of the sun, they 
go through the ether by means of their miraculous 

168, 169. See Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 65. 
170. See Suttanipata, v. 11 18. 

175. Hawsa may be meant for the bird, whether flamingo, or 
swan, or ibis (see Hardy, Manual, p. 17), but it may also, I believe. 


power ; the wise are led out of this world, when 
they have conquered Mdra and his train. 

176. If a man has transgressed one law, and 
speaks lies, and scoffs at another world, there is no 
evil he will not do. 

177. The uncharitable do not go to the world of 
the gods ; fools only do not praise liberality ; a wise 
man rejoices in liberality, and through it becomes 
blessed in the other world. 

1 78. Better than sovereignty over the earth, better 
than going to heaven, better than lordship over all 
worlds, is the reward of the first step in holiness. 

be taken in the sense of saint. As to iddhi, 'magical power,' 
i.e. r/ddhi, see Burnouf, Lotus, p. 310; Spence Hardy, Manual, 
pp. 498, 504 ; Legends, pp. 55, 177 ; and note to verse 254. 

178. Sotapatti, the technical term for the first step in the path 
that leads to Nirvana. There are four such steps, or stages, and on 
entering each, a man receives a new title : — 

(i) The 6'rotaapanna, lit. he who has got into the stream. 
A man may have seven more births before he reaches the other 
shore, i. e. Nirvawa. 

(2) Sakn'dagamin, lit. he who comes back once, so called be- 
cause, after having entered this stage, a man is born only once 
more among men or gods. Childers shows that this involves really 
two more births, one in the deva world, the other in the world of 
men. Burnouf says the same, Introduction, p. 293. 

(3) Anagamin, lit. he who does not come back, so called be- 
cause, after this stage, a man cannot be born again in a lower 
world, but can only be born into a Brahman worlds before he 
reaches Nirvawa. 

(4) Arhat, the venerable, the perfect, who has reached the highest 
stage that can be reached, and from which Nirvawa is perceived 
(sukkhavipassana, Lotus, p. 849). See Hardy, Eastern Monachism, 
p. 280; Burnouf, Introduction, p. 209; Koppen, p. 398; D'Alwis, 
Attanugaluvansa, p. cxxiv; Feer, Sutra en 42 articles, p. 6. 




179. He whose conquest is not conquered again, 
into whose conquest no one in this world enters, by 
what track can you lead him, the Awakened, the 
Omniscient, the trackless ? 

180. He whom no desire with its snares and 
poisons can lead astray, by what track can you 
lead him, the Awakened, the Omniscient, the 
trackless ? 

181. Even the gods envy those who are awakened 
and not forgetful, who are given to meditation, who 
are wise, and who delight in the repose of retire- 
ment (from the world). 

182. Difficult (to obtain) is the conception of men, 
difficult is the life of mortals, difficult is the hearing 
of the True Law, difficult is the birth of the Awak- 
ened (the attainment of Buddhahood). 

179, 180. Buddha, the Awakened, is to be taken as an appella- 
tive rather than as the proper name of the Buddha (see v. 183). 
It means, anybody who has arrived at complete knowledge. Anan- 
tago>^aram I take in the sense of, possessed of unlimited knowledge. 
Apadam, which Dr. Fausboll takes as an epithet of Buddha and 
translates by ' non investigabilis,' is translated ' trackless,' in order 
to show the play on the word pada ; see Childers, s. v. The com- 
mentator says : ' The man who is possessed of even a single one of 
such conditions as raga, &c., him ye may lead forward ; but the 
Buddha has not even one condition or basis of renewed existence, 
and therefore by what track will you lead this unconditioned 
Buddha?' Cf. Dhp. vv. 92, 420; and G^ataka, vol. i. pp. 79, 313. 

182. Mr. Beal (Dhammapada, p. 1 10) states that this verse occurs 
in the Sutra of the Forty-two Sections. 


183. Not to commit any sin, to do good, and to 
purify one's mind, that is the teaching of (all) the 

184. The Awakened call patience the highest 
penance, long-suffering the highest Nirva;?a ; for he 
is not an anchorite (pravra^ita) who strikes others, 
he is not an ascetic (^rama^^a) who insults others. 

185. Not to blame, not to strike, to live restrained 
under the law, to be moderate in eating, to sleep and 
sit alone, and to dwell on the highest thoughts, — 
this is the teaching of the Awakened. 

183. This verse is again one of the most solemn verses among 
the Buddhists. According to Csoma Korosi, it ought to follow 
the famous Arya stanza, 'Ye dhamm^' (Lotus, p. 522), and serve 
as its complement. But though this may be the case in Tibet, it 
was not so originally. The same verse (ascribed to Kanakamuni) 
occurs at the end of the Chinese translation of the Pratimoksha 
(Beal, J. R. A. S. XIX, p. 473; Catena, p. 159); in the Tibetan 
translation of the Gathasahgraha, v. 14 (Schiefner, M^l. Asiat. 
VIII, pp. 568, 586 ; and Csoma Korosi, As. Res. XX, p. 79). 
Burnouf has fully discussed the metre and meaning of our verse on 
PP- 527) 528 of his ' Lotus.' He prefers sa/?'ittaparidamanam, which 
Csoma translated by ' the mind must be brought under entire sub- 
jection' (sva-^ittaparidamanam), and the late Dr. Mill by 'proprii 
intellectus subjugatio.' But his own MS. of the Mahapadhana-sutta 
gave likewise sa/^ittapariyodapanam, and this is no doubt the cor- 
rect reading. (See D'Alwis, Attanugaluvansa, p. cxxix.) We 
found pariyodappeya in verse 88, in the sense of purging oneself 
from the troubles of thought. From the same verb, (pari) ava + dai, 
we may derive the name Avadana, a legend, originally a pure and 
virtuous act, an dpla-reia, afterwards a sacred story, and possibly a 
story the hearing of which purifies the mind. See BoehtHngk- 
Roth, s. V. avadana. 

184. Childers, following the commentator, translates, 'Patience, 
which is long-suffering, is the best devotion, the Buddhas declare 
that Nirvana is the best (of things).' 

185. Cf. Suttanipata, v. 337. Patimokkhe, 'under the law,' i.e. 
according to the law, the law which leads to Moksha, or ' freedom.' 
Pratimoksha is the title of the oldest collection of the moral laws 


186. There is no satisfying lusts, even by a shower 
of gold pieces ; he who knows that lusts have a short 
taste and cause pain, he is wise ; 

187. Even in heavenly pleasures he finds no satis- 
faction, the disciple who is fully awakened delights 
only in the destruction of all desires. 

188. Men, driven by fear, go to many a refuge, to 
mountains and forests, to groves and sacred trees. 

189. But that is not a safe refuge, that is not the 
best refuge ; a man is not delivered from all pains 
after having gone to that refuge. 

190. He who takes refuge with Buddha, the Law, 

of the Buddhists (Burnouf, Introduction, p. 300 ; Bigandet, The 
Life of Gaudama, p. 439; Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 162), and as 
it was common both to the Southern and the Northern Buddhists, 
patimokkhe in our passage may possibly be meant, as Professor 
Weber suggests, as the tide of that very collection. The commen- 
tator explains it by ^e///;akasila and patimokkhasila. Sayanasam 
might stand for i'ayanajanam, see Mahabh. XII, 6684 ; but in Bud- 
dhist literature it is intended for j-ayanasanam; see also Mahabh. XII, 
9978, j'ayyasane. Fausboll now reads panta instead of patthan. 

187. There is a curious similarity between this verse and verse 
6503 (9919) of the ^'antiparva : 

Ya/^ k2i kamasukha?^ loke, ya-^ k-A. divyam mahat sukham, 
Tnsh^akshayasukhasyaite narhata/z shoa'axi/^ kalam. 
' And whatever delight of love there is on earth, and whatever is 
the great delight in heaven, they are not worth the sixteenth part 
of the pleasure which springs from the destruction of all desires.' 
The two verses 186, 187 are ascribed to king Mandhatrz", shortly 
before his death (Mdl. Asiat.VIII, p. 471; see also Gataka, vol. ii. 


188-192. These verses occur in Sanskrit in the Pratiharyasutra, 
translated by Burnouf, Introduction, pp. 162-189; see p. 186. 
Burnouf translates rukkha>^'etyani by ' arbres consacr^s ; ' properly, 
sacred shrines under or near a tree. See also Gataka, vol. i. p. 97. 

190. Buddha, Dharma, and Safigha are called the Tri^arawa 
(cf. Burnouf, Introd. p. 630). The four holy truths are the four 
statements that there is pain in this world, that the source of 


and the Church ; he who, with clear understanding, 
sees the four holy truths : — 

191. Viz. pain, the origin of pain, the destruction 
of pain, and the eightfold holy way that leads to the 
quieting of pain ; — 

192. That is the safe refuge, that is the best 
refuge ; having gone to that refuge, a man is deli- 
vered from all pain. 

193. A supernatural person (a Buddha) is not 
easily found, he is not born everywhere. Wherever 
such a sage is born, that race prospers. 

194. Happy is the arising of the awakened, 
happy is the teaching of the True Law, happy is 
peace in the church, happy is the devotion of those 
who are at peace. 

195. 196. He who pays homage to those who 
deserve homage, whether the awakened (Buddha) 
or their disciples, those who have overcome the 
host (of evils), and crossed the flood of sorrow, he 
who pays homage to such as have found deliverance 
and know no fear, his merit can never be measured 
by anybody. 

pain is desire, that desire can be annihilated, that there is a way 
(shown by Buddha) by which the annihilation of all desires can be 
achieved, and freedom be obtained. That way consists of eight 
parts. (See Burnouf, Introduction, p. 630.) The eightfold way 
forms the subject of Chapter XVIII. (See also Feer, Journal 
As. 1870, p. 418, and Chips from a German Workshop, 2nd ed. 
vol. i, p. 251 seq.) 




197. Let us live happily then, not hating those 
who hate us ! amongf men who hate us let us dwell 
free from hatred ! 

198. Let us live happily then, free from ailments 
among the ailing ! among men who are ailing let us 
dwell free from ailments ! 

199. Let us live happily then, free from greed 
among the greedy ! among men who are greedy let 
us dwell free from greed ! 

200. Let us live happily then, though we call 
nothing our own ! We shall be like the bright gods, 
feeding on happiness ! 

201. Victory breeds hatred, for the conquered is 
unhappy. He who has given up both victory and 
defeat, he, the contented, is happy. 

198. The ailment here meant is moral rather than physical. 
Cf. Mahabh. XII, 9924, s3.mprzsa.nto niramaya-^; 9925, yo 'sau 
prawantiko rogas tkm tn'shnam tyagatzh sukham. 

200. The words placed in the mouth of the king of Videha, 
while his residence Mithila was in flames, are curiously like our 
verse; cf. Mahabh. XII, 9917, 

Susukha»^ vata ^ivami yasya me nasti kijl^ana, 
Mithilayam pradiptaya/w na me dahyati 
' I live happily, indeed, for I have nothing ; while Mithila is in 
flames, nothing of mine is burning.' Cf. Muir, Religious Senti- 
ments, p. 106. 

The abhassara, i. e. abhasvara, ' the bright gods,' are frequently 
mentioned. Cf. Burnouf, Introd. p. 611. 

201. This verse is ascribed to Buddha, when he heard of the 
defeat of A^atajatru by Prasena^it. It exists in the Northern or 


202. There is no fire like passion ; there is no 
losing throw like hatred ; there is no pain like this 
body ; there is no happiness higher than rest. 

203. Hunger is the worst of diseases, the body 
the greatest of pains ; if one knows this truly, that 
is Nirva;2a, the highest happiness. 

Sanskrit and in the Southern or Pali texts, i. e. in the Avadana- 
jataka, in the Sawyutta-nikaya. See Feer, Comptes Rendus, 1871, 
p. 44, and Journal As. 1880, p. 509. In the Avadana-,rataka, the 
Sanskrit version is — 

Gayo vairam prasavati, du/zkha/;; sete para^-ita-^ 
Upa^-anta/^ sukha;« sete hitva _§-ayapara^ayam. 

202. I take kali in the sense of an unlucky die which makes a 
player lose his game. A real simile seems wanted here, as in 
verse 251, where, for the same reason, I translate graha by 'shark,' 
not by ' captivitas,' as Dr. FausboU proposes. The same scholar 
translates kali in our verse by ' peccatum.' If there is any ob- 
jection to translating kali in Pali by ' unlucky die,' I should still 
prefer to take it in the sense of the age of depravity, or the demon 
of depravity. To judge from Abhidhanappadipika, 1106, kali was 
used for para§-aya, i. e. loss at game, a losing throw, and occurs in 
that sense again in verse 252. The Chinese translation has, ' there 
is no distress (poison) worse than hate.' A similar verse occurs 
Mahabh. ^Santip. 175, v. 35. 

' Body ' for khandha is a free translation, but it is difficult to find 
any other rendering. The Chinese translation also has ' body.' 
According to the Buddhists each sentient being consists of five 
khandhas (skandha), or aggregates, the organized body (rupa- 
khandha) with its four internal capacities of sensation (vedana), 
perception {ssingna.), conception (sa?;^skara), knowledge (vi^wana). 
See Burnouf, Introd. pp. 589, 634; Lotus, p. 335. 

203. Sa7«skara is the fourth of the five khandhas, but the com- 
mentator takes it here, as well as in verse 255, for the five khandhas 
together, in which case we can only translate it by ' body.' See 
also verse 278. Childers proposes 'organic fife' (Notes on Dham- 
mapada, p. i). There is, however, another saw^skara, that which 
follows immediately upon avidya, ' ignorance,' as the second of the 
nidanas, or ' causes of existence,' and this too might be called the 
greatest pain, considering that it is the cause of birth, which is the 
cause of all pain. Sawskara seems sometimes to have a different 


204. Health is the greatest of gifts, contented- 
ness the best riches ; trust is the best of relation- 
ships, Nirva;2a the highest happiness. 

205. He who has tasted the sweetness of solitude 
and tranquillity, is free from fear and free from sin, 
while he tastes the sweetness of drinking in the 

206. The sight of the elect (Arya) is good, to live 
with them is always happiness ; if a man does not 
see fools, he will be truly happy. 

207. He who walks in the company of fools suf- 
fers a long way ; company with fools, as with an 
enemy, is always painful ; ^^ompany with th£_wise is 
pleasure, like meeting with kinsfolk.'" 

208. Therefore, one ought to follow the wise, the 
intelligent, the learned, the much enduring, the du- 
tiful, the elect ; one ought to follow a good and wise 
man, as the moon follows the path of the stars. 

and less technical meaning, being used in the sense of conceptions, 
plans, desires, as, for instance, in verse 368, where sankharana/;z 
khayam is used much like ta/?ihakhaya. Again, in his comment on 
verse 75, Buddhaghosa says, upadhiviveko sankharasahga«ika/?? 
vinodeti ; and again, upadhiviveko >^a nirupadhinaw puggalanara 

For a similar sentiment, see Stanislas Julien, Les Avadanas, vol. i. 
p. 40, ' Le corps est la plus grande source de souffrance,' &c. 
I should say that the khandhas in verse 202 and the sahkharas in 
verse 203 are nearly, if not quite, synonymous. I should prefer to 
read giga.MM-pzram^ as a compound. Gigakkka, or as it is written 
in one MS., diga/^/^/za (Sk. ^ghatsa), means not only ' hunger,' but 
' appetite, desire.' 

204. Childers translates, ' the best kinsman is a man you can trust.' 

205. Cf. Suttanipata, v. 256. 

208. I should like to read sukho ka. dhirasa/^ivaso. 




209. He who gives himself to vanity, and does 
not give himself to meditation, forgetting the real 
aim (of life) and grasping at pleasure, will in time 
envy him who has exerted himself in meditation. 

210. Let no man ever look for what is pleasant, 
or what is unpleasant. Not to see what is pleasant 
is pain, and it is pain to see what is unpleasant. 

211. Let, therefore, no man love anything ; loss 
of the beloved is evil. Those who love nothing, 
and hate nothing, have no fetters. 

2 1 2. From pleasure comes grief, from pleasure 
comes fear ; he who is free from pleasure knows 
neither grief nor fear. 

213. From affection comes grief, from affection 
comes fear ; he who is free from affection knows 
neither grief nor fear. 

214. From lust comes grief, from lust comes 
fear ; he who is free from lust knows neither grief 
nor fear. 

215. From love comes grief, from love comes 
fear ; he who is free from love knows neither grief 
nor fear. 

216. From greed comes grief, from greed comes 
fear ; he who is free from greed knows neither grief 
nor fear. 

217. He who possesses virtue and intelligence, 

214. See Beal, Catena, p. 200. 


who is just, speaks the truth, and does what is his 
own business, him the world will hold dear. 

218. He in whom a desire for the Ineffable (Nir- 
va;2a) has sprung up, who is satisfied in his mind, 
and whose thoughts are not bewildered by love, he 
is called tirdhva;;/srotas (carried upwards by the 

219. Kinsmen, friends, and lovers salute a man 
who has been long away, and returns safe from 

220. In like manner his good works receive him 
who has done good, and has grone from this world 
to the other ; — as kinsmen receive a friend on his 

218. IJrdhva/?isrotas or uddhawsoto is the technical name for 
one who has reached the world of the Av/Vhas (Aviha), and is pro- 
ceeding to that of the AkanishMas (Akani///^a). This is the last 
stage before he reaches the formless world, the Arupadhatu. (See 
Buddhaghosha's Parables, p. 123; Burnouf, Introduction, p. 599.) 
Originally urdhvawsrotas may have been used in a less technical 
sense, meaning one who swims against the stream, and is not 
carried away by the vulgar passions of the world. 

[10] h 




221. Let a man leave anger, let him forsake pride, 
let him overcome all bondage ! No sufferings befall 
the man who is not attached to name and form, and 
who calls nothing his own. 

222. He who holds back rising anger like a rolling 
chariot, him I call a real driver ; other people are 
but holding the reins. 

223. Let a man overcome anger by love, let him 
overcome evil by good ; let him overcome the greedy 
by liberality, the liar by truth ! 

224. Speak the truth, do not yield to anger ; give, 
if thou art asked for little ; by these three steps 
thou wilt go near the gods. 

225. The sages who injure nobody, and who 
always control their body, they will go to the un- 
changeable place (Nirva;za), where, if they have 
gone, they will suffer no more. 

226. Those who are ever watchful, who study day 
and night, and who strive after Nirva/^a, their pas- 
sions will come to an end. 

227. This is an old saying, O Atula, this is not 
only of to-day : ' They blame him who sits silent, 

221. 'Name and form' or 'mind and body' is the translation 
of nama-rupa, the ninth of the Buddhist Nidanas. Cf. Burnouf, 
Introduction, p. 501; see also Gogerly, Lecture on Buddhism, and 
Bigandet, The Life of Gaudama, p. 454. 

223. Mahabh. XII, 3550, asadhu/?i sadhuna ^ayet. Cf. Ten 
Gatakas, ed. Fausboll, p. 5. 

227. It appears from the commentary that porawam and a^^ata- 
nain are neuters, referring to what happened formerly and what 

ANGER. 59 

they blame him who speaks much, they also blame 
him who says little ; there is no one on earth who 
is not blamed. 

228. There never was, there never will be, nor is 
there now, a man who is always blamed, or a man 
who is always praised. 

229. 230. But he whom those who discriminate 
praise continually day after day, as without blemish, 
wise, rich in knowledge and virtue, who would dare 
to blame him, like a coin made of gold from the 
6^ambu river ? Even the gods praise him, he is 
praised even by Brahman. 

231. Beware of bodily anger, and control thy 
body ! Leave the sins of the body, and with thy 
body practise virtue ! 

232. Beware of the anger of the tongue, and con- 
trol thy tongue ! Leave the sins of the tongue, and 
practise virtue with thy tongue! 

233. Beware of the anger of the mind, and con- 
trol thy mind ! Leave the sins of the mind, and 
practise virtue with thy mind ! 

234. The wise who control their body, who con- 
trol their tongue, the wise who control their mind, 
are indeed well controlled. 

happens to-day, and that they are not to be taken as adjectives 
referring to asinam, &c. The commentator must have read atula 
instead of atulani, and he explains it as the name of a pupil whom 
Gautama addressed by that name. This may be so (see note to 
verse 166); but atula may also be taken in the sense of incom- 
parable (INIahabh, XIII, 1937), and in that case we ought to supply, 
with Professor Weber, some such word as ' saw ' or ' saying,' 

230. The Brahman worlds are higher that the Deva worlds as 
the Brahman is higher than a Deva; see Hardy, Manual, p. 25; 
Burnouf, Introduction, pp. 134, 184. 

h 2 




235. Thou art now like a sear leaf, the messen- 
gers of death (Yama) have come near to thee ; thou 
standest at the door of thy departure, and thou hast 
no provision for thy journey. 

236. Make thyself an island, work hard, be wise! 
When thy impurities are blown away, and thou art 
free from guilt, thou wilt enter into the heavenly 
world of the elect (Ariya). 

237. Thy life has come to an end, thou art come 
near to death (Yama), there is no resting-place for 
thee on the road, and thou hast no provision for 
thy journey. 

238. Make thyself an island, work hard, be wise 1 
When thy impurities are blown away, and thou art 
free from guilt, thou wilt not enter again into birth 
and decay. 

239. Let a wise man blow off the impurities of 
his self, as a smith blows off the impurities of silver, 
one by one, little by little, and from time to time. 

240. As the impurity which springs from the iron, 

235. Uyyoga seems to mean departure. See Buddhaghosa's 
commentary on verse 152, p. 319, 1. i; Fausboll, Five Gatakas, 

P- 35- 

236. ' An island,' for a drowning man to save himself; (see verse 
25.) Dipahkara is the name of one of the former Buddhas, and it 
is also used as an appellative of the Buddha, but is always derived 
from dipo, ' a lamp.' 

239. This verse is the foundation of the thirty-fourth section of 
the Sutra of the forty-two sections; see Beal, Catena, p. 201; Sutta- 
nipata, v. 962. 


when it springs from it, destroys it ; thus do a trans- 
gressor's own works lead him to the evil path. 

241. The taint of prayers is non-repetition; the 
taint of houses, non-repair ; the taint of the body is 
sloth ; the taint of a watchman, thoughtlessness. 

242. Bad conduct is the taint of woman, greedi- 
ness the taint of a benefactor ; tainted are all evil 
ways, in this world and in the next. 

243. But there is a taint worse than all taints, — 
ignorance is the greatest taint. O mendicants ! 
throw off that taint, and become taintless ! 

244. Life is easy to live for a man who is without 
shame, a crow hero, a mischief-maker, an insulting, 
bold, and wretched fellow. 

245. But life is hard to live for a modest man, 
who always looks for what is pure, who is disinter- 
ested, quiet, spotless, and intelligent. 

246. He who destroys life, who speaks untruth, 
who in this world takes what is not given him, who 
goes to another man's wife ; 

247. And the man who gives himself to drinking 
intoxicating liquors, he, even in this world, digs up 
his own root. 

248. O man, know this, that the unrestrained are 
in a bad state ; take care that greediness and vice 
do not bring thee to grief for a long time ! 

244. Pakkhandin is identified by Dr. FausboU with praskandin, 
one who jumps forward, insults, or, as Buddhaghosa explains it, 
one who meddles with other people's business, an interloper. At 
all events, it is a term of reproach, and, as it would seem, of theo- 
logical reproach. 

246. On the five principal commandments which are recapitu- 
lated in verses 246 and 247, see Buddhaghosha's Parables, p. 153. 

248. Cf. Mahabharata XII, 4055, yesham vriUis k,x sa;;zyata. 
See also verse 307. 


249. The world gives according to their faith or 
according to their pleasure : if a man frets about 
the food and the drink given to others, he will find 
no rest either by day or by night. 

250. He in whom that feeling is destroyed, and 
taken out with the very root, finds rest by day and 
by night. 

251. There is no fire like passion, there is no 
shark like hatred, there is no snare like folly, there 
is no torrent like greed. 

252. The fault of others is easily perceived, but 
that of oneself is difficult to perceive ; a man win- 
nows his neighbour's faults like chaff, but his own 
fault he hides, as a cheat hides the bad die from the 

253. If a man looks after the faults of others, and 
is always inclined to be offended, his own passions 
will grow, and he is far from the destruction of 

254. There is no path through the air, a man 
is not a Sama/^a by outward acts. The world 

249. This verse has evidently regard to the feelings of the Bhik- 
shus or mendicants who receive either much or little, and who are 
exhorted not to be envious if others receive more than they them- 
selves. Several of the Parables illustrate this feeling. 

251. Dr. Fausboll translates gaho by ' captivitas,' Dr. Weber by 
' fetter.' I take it in the same sense as graha in Manu VI, 78 ; and 
Buddhaghosa does the same, though he assigns to graha a more 
general meaning, viz. anything that seizes, whether an evil spirit 
(yakkha), a serpent (a^agara), or a crocodile (kumbhila). 

Greed or thirst is represented as a river in Lalita-vistara, ed. 
Calc. p. 482, trish?ia-nadi tivega prajoshita me ^ilanasuryewa, ' the 
wild river of thirst is dried up by the sun of my knowledge.' 

252. See Childers, Notes, p. 7; St. Matthew vii. 3. 

253. As to asava, 'appetite, passion,' see note to verse 39. 

254. I have translated this verse very freely, and not in accord- 


delights in vanity, the Tathagatas (the Buddhas) 
are free from vanity, 

255. There is no path through the air, a man 
is not a Sama;^a by outward acts. No creatures 
are eternal ; but the awakened (Buddha) are never 

ance with Buddhaghosa's commentary. Dr. Fausboll proposed to 
translate, ' No one who is outside t e Buddhist community can 
walk through the air, but only a Samawa;' and the same view is 
taken by Professor Weber, though he arrives at it by a different 
construction. Now it is perfectly true that the idea of magical powers 
(r/ddhi) which enable saints to walk through the air, &c., occurs in 
the Dhammapada, see v. 175, note. But the Dhammapada may 
contain earlier and later verses, and in that case our verse might be 
an early protest on the part of Buddha against the belief in such 
miraculous powers. We know how Buddha himself protested 
against his disciples being called upon to perform vulgar miracles. 
' I command my disciples not to work miracles,' he said, ' but to 
hide their good deeds, and to show their sins' (Burnouf, Introd. 
p. 170). It would be in harmony with this sentiment if we trans- 
lated our verse as I have done. As to bahira, I should take it in 
the sense of 'external,' as opposed to adhyatmika, or 'internal;' 
and the meaning would be, ' a Samawa is not a Sama?/a by out- 
ward acts, but by his heart.' D'Alwis translates (p. 85) : ' There is 
no footprint in the air ; there is not a Sama^za out of the pale of 
the Buddhist community.' 

Prapa?l/^a, which I have here translated by ' vanity,' seems to 
include the whole host of human weaknesses ; cf. v. 196, where it is 
explained by ta/;/hadi/Mimanapapa«vC'a ; in our verse by ta/^zhadisu 
papaw/^esu: cf. Lalita-vistara, p. 564, analayawz nishprapaw-^am 
anutpadam asambhavam (dharma/('akram). As to Tathagata, a 
name of Buddha, cf. Burnouf, Introd. p. 75. 

255. Sahkhara for saw/skara; cf. note to verse 203. Creature 
does not, as Mr. D'Alwis (p. 69) supposes, involve the Christian 
conception of creation. 




256, 257. A man is not just if he carries a matter 
by violence ; no, he who distinguishes both right 
and wrong, who is learned and leads others, not by 
violence, but by law and equity, and who is guarded 
by the law and intelligent, he is called just. 

258. A man is not learned because he talks much ; 
he who is patient, free from hatred and fear, he is 
called learned. 

259. A man is not a supporter of the law because 
he talks much ; even if a man has learnt little, but 
sees the law bodily, he is a supporter of the law, 
a man who never neglects the law. 

260. A man is not an elder because his head is 
grey ; his age may be ripe, but he is called ' Old- 

261. He in whom there is truth, virtue, love, 
restraint, moderation, he who is free from impurity 
and is wise, he is called an elder. 

262. An envious, greedy, dishonest man does not 
become respectable by means of much talking only, 
or by the beauty of his complexion. 

263. He in whom all this is destroyed, and taken 
out with the very root, he, when freed from hatred 
and wise, is called respectable. 

259. Buddhaghosa here takes law (dhamma) in the sense of 
the four great truths, see note to verse 190. Could dhamma»z 
kayena passati mean, 'he observes the law in his acts?' Hardly, 
if we compare expressions like dhamma^ vipassato, v. 373. 


264. Not by tonsure does an undisciplined man 
who speaks falsehood become a Sama?^a ; can a 
man be a Sama/^a who is still held captive by desire 
and greediness ? 

265. He who always quiets the evil, whether 
small or large, he is called a Sama;2a (a quiet man), 
because he has quieted all evil. 

266. A man is not a mendicant (Bhikshu) simply 
because he asks others for alms ; he who adopts 
the whole law is a Bhikshu, not he who only begs. 

267. He who is above good and evil, who is 
chaste, who with knowledge passes through the 
world, he indeed is called a Bhikshu. 

268. 269. A man is not a Muni because he ob- 
serves silence (mona, i. e. mauna), if he is foolish 

265. This is a curious etymology, because it shows that at the 
time when this verse was written, the original meaning of jrama«a 
had been forgotten. 6'ramawa meant originally, in the language 
of the Brahmans, a man who performed hard penances, from jram, 
' to work hard,' &c. When it became the name of the Buddhist 
ascetics, the language had changed, and jrama^a was pronounced 
sama«a. Now there is another Sanskrit root, jam, ' to quiet,' which 
in Pali becomes likewise sam, and from this root sam, ' to quiet,' 
and not from sram, ' to tire,' did the popular etymology of the day 
and the writer of our verse derive the title of the Buddhist priests. 
The original form jramawa became known to the Greeks as Sap- 
fjLai/ni, that of sama«a as Sa/iamlot ; the former through Megasthenes, 
the latter through Bardesanes, 80-60 b.c. (See Lassen, Indische 
Alterthumskunde, II, 700.) The Chinese Shamen and the Tun- 
gusian Shamen come from the same source, though the latter has 
sometimes been doubted. See Schott, Uber die doppelte Bedeutung 
des Wortes Schamane, in the Philosophical Transactions of the 
Berlin Academy, 1842, p. 463 seq. 

266-270. The etymologies here given of the ordinary titles of 
the followers of Buddha are entirely fanciful, and are curious only 
as showing how the people who spoke Pali had lost the etymo- 
logical consciousness of their language. A Bhikshu is a beggar, 


and ignorant ; but the wise who, taking the balance, 
chooses the good and avoids evil, he is a Muni, 
and is a Muni thereby ; he who in this world 
weiofhs both sides is called a Muni, 

270. A man is not an elect (Ariya) because he 
injures living creatures ; because he has pity on all 
living creatures, therefore is a man called Ariya. 

271. 272, Not only by discipline and vows, not 
only by much learning, not by entering into a trance, 
not by sleeping alone, do I earn the happiness of 
release which no worldling can know. Bhikshu, be 
not confident as long as thou hast not attained the 
extinction of desires. 

i. e. a Buddhist friar who has left his family and lives entirely on 
alms. Muni is a sage, hence ^akya-muni, a name of Gautama. 
Muni comes from man, ' to think,' and from muni comes mauna, 
' silence.' Ariya, again, is the general name of those who embrace 
a religious life. It meant originally ' respectable, noble.' In verse 
270 it seems as if the writer wished to guard against deriving ariya 
from ari, ' enemy.' See note to verse 22. 

272. See Childers, Notes, p. 7. 

THE WAY, 6"] 



273. The best of ways is the eightfold ; the best 
of truths the four words ; the best of virtues 
passionlessness ; the best of men he who has eyes 
to see. 

274. This is the way, there is no other that leads 
to the purifying of intelligence. Go on this way ! 
Everything else is the deceit of Mara (the tempter). 

275. If you go on this way, you will make an end 
of pain ! The way was preached by me, when I had 
understood the removal of the thorns (in the flesh). 

276. You yourself must make an effort. The 
Tathagatas (Buddhas) are only preachers. The 
thoughtful who enter the way are freed from the 
bondage of Mara. 

277. 'All created things perish,' he who knows 
and sees this becomes passive in pain ; this is the 
way to purity. 

273. The eightfold or eight-mem bered way is the technical term 
for the way by which Nirva«a is attained. (See Burnouf, Lotus, 
p. 519) This very way constitutes the fourth of the Four Truths, 
or the four words of truth, viz. Du//kha, ' pain ;' Samudaya, ' origin ;' 
Nirodha, 'destruction;' Marga, ' road.' (Lotus, p. 517.) See note 
to verse 178. For another explanation of the Marga, or ' way,' see 
Hardy, Eastern Monachism, p. 280. 

274. The last line may mean, 'this way is the confusion of Mara,' 
i. e. the discomfiture of Mara. 

275. The jalyas, ' arrows or thorns,' are the joka^-alya, ' the arrows 
of grief.' Buddha himself is called mahajalya-harta, ' the great 
remover of thorns.' (Lalita-vistara, p. 550 ; Mahabh. XII, 5616.) 

277. See v. 255. 


278. 'All created things are grief and pain,' he 
who knows and sees this becomes passive in pain ; 
this is the way that leads to purity. 

279. 'All forms are unreal,' he who knows and 
sees this becomes passive in pain ; this is the way 
that leads to purity. 

280. He who does not rouse himself when it is 
time to rise, who, though young and strong, is full 
of sloth, whose will and thought are weak, that lazy 
and idle man will never find the way to knowledge. 

_ 281. Watching his speech, well restrained in mind, 
"let a man never commit any wrong with his body! 

Let a man but keep these three roads of action clear, 

and he will achieve the way which is taught by the 


282. Through zeal knowledge is gotten, through 

lack of zeal knowledge is lost ; let a man who knows 

this double path of gain and loss thus place himself 

that knowledge may grow. 
'=r 283. Cut down the whole forest (of lust), not a 

tree only ! Danger comes out of the forest (of lust). 

When you have cut down both the forest (of lust) 

and its undergrowth, then, Bhikshus, you will be 

rid of the forest and free ! 

278. See V. 203. 

279. Dhamma is here explained, like safikhara, as the five 
khandha, i. e. as what constitutes a living body. 

281. Cf. Beal, Catena, p. 159. 

282. Bhuri was rightly translated ' intelligentia' by Dr. Fausboll. 
Dr. Weber renders it by ' Gedeihen,' but the commentator distinctly 
explains it as 'vast knowledge,' and in the technical sense the 
word occurs after vidya and before medha, in the Lalita-vistara, 
p. 541. 

283. A pun, vana meaning both 'lust' and 'forest.' See some 
mistaken remarks on this verse in D'Alwis, Nirvawa, p. 86, and 
some good remarks in Childers, Notes, p. 7. 

THE WAY. 69 

284. So long as the love of man towards women, 
even the smallest, is not destroyed, so long is his 
mind in bondage, as the calf that drinks milk is to 
its mother. 

285. Cut out the love of self, like an autumn lotus, 
with thy hand! Cherish the road of peace. Nir- 
va;2a has been shown by Sugata (Buddha). 

286. ' Here I shall dwell in the rain, here in winter 
and summer,' thus the fool meditates, and does not 
think of his death. 

287. Death comes and carries off that man, praised 
for his children and flocks, his mind distracted, as a 
flood carries off a sleeping village. 

288. Sons are no help, nor a father, nor relations ; 
there is no help from kinsfolk for one whom death 
has seized. 

289. A wise and good man who knows the mean- 
ing of this, should quickly clear the way that leads 
to Nirva;2a. 

285. Cf. G^ataka, vol. i. p. 183. 

286. Antaraya, according to the commentator, ^ivitantaraya, 
i. e. interitus, death. In Sanskrit, antarita is used in the sense of 
' vanished' or ' perished.' 

287. See notes to verse 47, Thiessen, Kisagotami, p. 11, and 
Mahabh. XII, 9944, 6540. 




290. If by leaving a small pleasure one sees a 
great pleasure, let a wise man leave the small plea- 
sure, and look to the great. 

291. He who, by causing pain to others, wishes 
to obtain pleasure for himself, he, entangled in the 
bonds of hatred, will never be free from hatred. 

292. What ought to be done is neglected, what 
ought not to be done is done ; the desires of unruly, 
thoughtless people are always increasing. 

293. But they whose whole watchfulness is always 
directed to their body, who do not follow what ought 
not to be done, and who steadfastly do what ought 
to be done, the desires of such watchful and wise 
people will come to an end. 

294. A true Brahma?^a goes scatheless, though he 
have killed father and mother, and two valiant kings, 
though he has destroyed a kingdom with all its 

295. A true Brahma7^a goes scatheless, though he 
have killed father and mother, and two holy kings, 
and an eminent man besides. 

292. Cf. Beal, Catena, p. 264. 

294, 295. These two verses are either meant to show that a 
truly holy man who, by accident, commits all these crimes is guilt- 
less, or they refer to some particular event in Buddha's history. 
The commentator is so startled that he explains them allegorically. 
Mr. D'Alwis is very indignant that I should have supposed Buddha 
capable of pardoning patricide. ' Can it be believed,' he writes, 
' that a Teacher, who held life, even the life of the minutest insect, 


296. The disciples of Gotama (Buddha) are always 
well awake, and their thoughts day and night are 
always set on Buddha. 

297. The disciples of Gotama are always well 
awake, and their thoughts day and night are always 
set on the law. 

298. The disciples of Gotama are always well 
awake, and their thoughts day and night are always 
set on the church. 

299. The disciples of Gotama are always well 
awake, and their thoughts day and night are alwa}s 
set on their body. 

nay, even a living tree, in such high estimation as to prevent its 
wanton destruction, has declared that the murder of a Brahmawa, to 
whom he accorded reverence, along with his own Sangha,was blame- 
less?' D'Ahvis, Nirvana, p. 88. Though something might be said in 
reply, considering the antecedents of king A^ata^atru, the patron of 
Buddha, and stories such as that quoted by the commentator on the 
Dhammapada (Beal, I.e. p. i5o),or inDerWeise und derThor, p.306, 
still these two verses are startKng, and I am not aware that Buddha 
has himself drawn the conclusion, which has been drawn by others, 
viz. that those who have reached the highest Sambodhi, and are in 
fact no longer themselves, are outside the domain of good and bad, 
and beyond the reach of guilt. Verses Hke 39 and 412 admit of a 
different explanation. Still our verses being miscellaneous extracts, 
might possibly have been taken from a work in which such an 
opinion was advanced, and I find that Mr. Childers, no mean 
admirer of Buddha, was not shocked by my explanation. * In my 
judgment,' he says, ' this verse is intended to express in a forcible 
manner the Buddhist doctrine that the Arhat cannot commit a 
serious sin.' However, we have met before with far-fetched puns 
in these verses, and it is not impossible that the native commen- 
tators were right after all in seeing some puns or riddles in this 
verse. D'Alwis, following the commentary, explains mother as 
lust, father as pride, the two valiant kings as heretical systems, 
and the realm as sensual pleasure, while veyyaggha is taken by 
him for a place infested with the tigers of obstruction against 
final beatitude. Some confirmation of this interpretation is sup- 


300. The disciples of Gotama are always well 
awake, and their mind day and night always de- 
lights in compassion. 

301. The disciples of Gotama are always well 
awake, and their mind day and night always de- 
lights in meditation. 

302. It is hard to leave the world (to become 
a friar), it is hard to enjoy the world; hard is the 
monastery, painful are the houses ; painful it is to 
dwell with equals {to share everything in common), 
and the itinerant mendicant is beset with pain. 
Therefore let no man be an itinerant mendicant, 
and he will not be beset with pain. 

303. Whatever place a faithful, virtuous, cele- 
brated, and wealthy man chooses, there he is re- 

304. Good people shine from afar, like the snowy 

plied by a passage in the tl:iird book of the Lahkavatara-sutra, as 
quoted by Mr. Beal in his translation of the Dhammapada, Intro- 
duction, p. 5. Here a stanza is quoted as having been recited by 
Buddha, in expkination of a similar startling utterance which he 
had made to Mahamati : 

'Lust, or carnal desire, this is the Mother, 

Ignorance, this is the Father, 

The highest point of knowledge, this is Buddha, 

All the kle^as, these are the Rahats, 

The five skandhas, these are the Priests; 

To commit the five unpardonable sins 

Is to destroy these five 

And yet not suffer the pains of hell.' 
The Lahkavatara-sutra was translated into Chinese by Bodhiru^i 
(508-511)5 when it was written is doubtful. See also Gataka, 
vol. ii. p. 263. 

302. This verse is difficult, and I give my translation as tentative 
only. Childers (Notes, p. 11) does not remove the difficulties, and 
I have been chiefly guided by the interpretation put on the verse 
by the Chinese translator; Beal, Dhammapada, p. 137. 



mountains ; bad people are not seen, like arrows 
shot by night. 

305. He alone who, without ceasing, practises the 
duty of sitting alone and sleeping alone, he, sub- 
duing himself, will rejoice in the destruction of all 
desires alone, as if living in a forest. 

305. I have translated this verse so as to bring it into something 
like harmony with the preceding verses. Vanante, according to 
a pun pointed out before (v. 283), means both 'in the end of a 
forest,' and ' in the end of desires.' 





306. He who says what is not, goes to hell ; he 
also who, having done a thing, says I have not done 
it. After death both are equal, they are men with 
evil deeds in the next world. 

307. Many men whose shoulders are covered with 
the yellow gown are ill-conditioned and unrestrained ; 
such evil-doers by their evil deeds go to hell. 

308. Better it would be to swallow a heated iron 
ball, like flaring fire, than that a bad unrestrained 
fellow should live on the charity of the land. 

309. Four things does a wreckless man gain who 
covets his neighbour's wife, — a bad reputation, an 
uncomfortable bed, thirdly, punishment, and lastly, 

306. I translate niraya, ' the exit, the downward course, the evil 
path,' by 'hell,' because the meaning assigned to that ancient 
mythological name by Christian writers comes so near to the 
Buddhist idea of niraya, that it is difficult not to believe in some 
actual contact between these two streams of thought. See also 
Mahabh. XII, 7176. Cf. Gataka, vol. ii. p. 416; Suttanipata, 
V. 660. 

307, 308. These two verses are said to be taken from the Vinaya- 
pi/aka I, 4, i; D'Alwis, Nirvawa, p. 29. 

308. The charity of the land, i. e. the alms given, from a sense 
of religious duty, to every mendicant that asks for it. 

309, 310. The four things mentioned in verse 309 seem to be 
repeated in verse 310. Therefore, apu7w~ialabha, 'bad fame,' is the 
same in both : gati papika must be niraya ; daw^a must be ninda, 
and rati thokika explains the anikamaseyyawz. Buddhaghosa 


310. There is bad reputation, and the evil way 
(to hell), there is the short pleasure of the frightened 
in the arms of the frightened, and the king imposes 
heavy punishment ; therefore let no man think of 
his neigrhbour's wife. 

311. As a grass-blade, if badly grasped, cuts the 
arm, badly-practised asceticism leads to hell. 

312. An act carelessly performed, a broken vow, 
and hesitating obedience to discipline, all this brings 
no great reward. 

313. If anything is to be done, let a man do it, 
let him attack it vigorously ! A careless pilgrim 
only scatters the dust of his passions more widely. 

314. An evil deed is better left undone, for a 
man repents of it afterwards ; a good deed is better 
done, for having done it, one does not repent. 

315. Like a well-guarded frontier fort, with de- 
fences within and without, so let a man guard him- 
self. Not a moment should escape, for they who 
allow the right moment to pass, suffer pain when 
they are in hell. 

316. They who are ashamed of what they ought 
not to be ashamed of, and are not ashamed of what 
they ought to be ashamed of, such men, embracing 
false doctrines, enter the evil path. 

317. They who fear when they ought not to fear, 
and fear not when they ought to fear, such men, 
embracing false doctrines, enter the evil path. 

takes the same view of the meaning of anikamase)7a, i. e. yatha 
ikkh^Xx GV2im seyyam alabhitva. diV\\kkh\i2im parittakam eva kala»z 
seyyaw labhati, ' not obtaining the rest as he wishes it, he obtains 
it, as he does not wish it, for a short time only/ 

313. As to ra^a meaning 'dust' and 'passion,' see Buddha- 
ghosha's Parables, pp. 65, 66. 

i 2 


318. They who forbid when there is nothing to 
be forbidden, and forbid not when there is some- 
thing to be forbidden, such men, embracing false 
doctrines, enter the evil path. 

319. They who know what is forbidden as for- 
bidden, and what is not forbidden as not forbidden, 
such men, embracing the true doctrine, enter the 
good path. 




320. Silently shall I endure abuse as the elephant 
in battle endures the arrow sent from the bow : for 
the world is ill-natured. 

321. They lead a tamed elephant to battle, the 
king mounts a tamed elephant ; the tamed is the 
best among men, he who silently endures abuse. 

322. Mules are good, if tamed, and noble Sindhu 
horses, and elephants with large tusks ; but he w^ho 
tames himself is better still. 

323. For with these animals does no man reach 
the untrodden country (Nirva;^a), where a tamed 
man goes on a tamed animal, viz. on his own well- 
tamed self. 

324. The elephant called Dhanapalaka, his tem- 
ples running with sap, and difficult to hold, does not 
eat a morsel when bound ; the elephant longs for 
the elephant grove. 

320. The elephant is with the Buddhists the emblem of endurance 
and self-restraint. Thus Buddha himself is called Naga, ' the Ele- 
phant' (Lal.Vist. p. 553), or Mahanaga, 'the great Elephant' (Lai. 
Vist. p. 553), and in one passage (Lal.Vist. p. 554) the reason of 
this name is given, by stating that Buddha was sudanta, ' well- 
tamed,' like an elephant. He descended from heaven in the form 
of an elephant to be born on earth. 

Cf Manu VI, 47, ativadaz^^s titiksheta. 

323. I read, as suggested by Dr. Fausboll, yath' attana sudan- 
tena danto dantena ga^^/^ati' (cf verse 160). The India Office MS. 
reads na hi etehi ///anehi gaK'//eya agata?;i disam, yath' attanaw 
sudantena danto dantena ga^/^/mti. As to //^anehi instead of yanehi, 
see verse 224, 


325. If a man becomes fat and a great eater, if 
he is sleepy and rolls himself about, that fool, like 
a hog fed on wash, is born again and again. 

326. This mind of mine went formerly wandering 
about as it liked, as it listed, as it pleased ; but 
I shall now hold it in thoroughly, as the rider who 
holds the hook holds in the furious elephant. 

327. Be not thoughtless, watch your thoughts ! 
Draw yourself out of the evil way, like an elephant 
sunk in mud. 

328. If a man find a prudent companion who walks 
with him, is wise, and lives soberly, he may walk with 
him, overcoming all dangers, happy, but considerate. 

329. If a man find no prudent companion who 
walks with him, is wise, and lives soberly, let him 
walk alone, like a king who has left his conquered 
country behind, — like an elephant in the forest. 

330. It is better to live alone, there is no com- 
panionship with a fool ; let a man walk alone, let 
him commit no sin, with few wishes, like an ele- 
phant in the forest. 

326. Yoniso, i.e. yonua//, is rendered by Dr. Fausboll ' sapientia,' 
and this is the meaning ascribed to yoni by many Buddhist authori- 
ties. But the reference to HemaX'andra (ed. BoehtHngk and Rieu, 
p. 281) shows clearly that it meant 'origin,' or 'cause.' Yoniso occurs 
frequently as a mere adverb, meaning ' thoroughly, radically' (Dham- 
mapada, p. 359), and yoniso manasikara (Dhammapada, p. no) 
means ' taking to heart' or 'minding thoroughly,' or, what is nearly 
the same, 'wisely.' In the Lalita-vistara, p. 41, the commentator has 
clearly mistaken yoni^a/z, changing it to ye 'ni^^'O, and explaining it 
by yamanij-am, whereas M. Foucaux has rightly translated it by 
'depuis I'origine.' Professor Weber suspected in yoni-s-a^ a double 
entendre, but even grammar would show that our author is 
innocent of it. In Lalita-vistara, p. 544, 1. 4, ayonija occurs in 
the sense of error. 

328, 329. Cf. Suttanipata, vv. 44, 45. 


331. If an occasion arises, friends are pleasant; 
enjoyment is pleasant, whatever be the cause ; a 
good work is pleasant in the hour of death ; the 
giving up of all grief is pleasant. 

332. Pleasant in the world is the state of a mother, 
pleasant the state of a father, pleasant the state of 
a Sama?^a, pleasant the state of a Brahma^^a. 

2,3^. Pleasant is virtue lasting to old age, pleasant 
is a faith firmly rooted ; pleasant is attainment of 
intelligence, pleasant is avoiding of sins. 

332. The commentator throughout takes these words, like mat- 
teyyata, &c., to signify, not the status of a mother, or maternity, 
but reverence shown to a mother. 


A . 



334. The thirst of a thoughtless man grows like 
a creeper ; he runs from life to life, like a monkey 
seeking fruit in the forest. 

335. Whomsoever this fierce thirst overcomes, 
full of poison, in this world, his sufferings increase 
like the abounding Birana. grass. 

336. He who overcomes this fierce thirst, difficult 
to be conquered in this world, sufferings fall off from 
him, like water-drops from a lotus leaf. 

337. This salutary word I tell you, ' Do ye, as many 
as are here assembled, dig up the root of thirst, as 
he who wants the sweet-scented U^ira root must 
dig up the Birana. grass, that Mara (the tempter) 
may not crush you again and again, as the stream 
crushes the reeds.' 

338. As a tree, even though it has been cut down, 
is firm so long as its root is safe, and grows again, 
thus, unless the feeders of thirst are destroyed, this 
pain (of life) will return again and again. 

339. He whose thirst running towards pleasure 
is exceeding strong in the thirty-six channels, the 

334. This is explained by a story in the Chinese translation. 
Beal, Dhammapada, p. 148. 

335. Birawa grass is the Andropogon muricatum, and the 
scented root of it is called U^ira (cf. verse 337). 

338. On Anusaya, i. e. Anu^aya (Anlage), see Wassiljew, Der 
Buddhismus, p. 240 seq. 

339. The thirty-six channels, or passions, which are divided by 
the commentator into eighteen external and eighteen internal, are 

THIRST. 8 1 

waves will carry away that misguided man, viz. his 
desires which are set on passion. 

340. The channels run everywhere, the creeper 
(of passion) stands sprouting ; if you see the creeper 
springing up, cut its root by means of knowledge. 

341. A creature's pleasures are extravagant and 
luxurious ; sunk in lust and looking for pleasure, men 
undergo (again and again) birth and decay. 

342. Men, driven on by thirst, run about like 
a snared hare ; held in fetters and bonds, they 
undergo pain for a long time, again and again. 

343. Men, driven on by thirst, run about like a 
snared hare ; let therefore the mendicant drive out 
thirst, by striving after passionlessness for himself. 

344. He who having got rid of the forest (of 
lust) (i.e. after having reached Nirva;^a) gives him- 
self over to forest-life (i.e. to lust), and who, when 
removed from the forest (i. e. from lust), runs to the 
forest (i. e. to lust), look at that man ! though free, 
he runs into bondage. 

explained by Burnouf (Lotus, p. 649), from a gloss of the G^ina- 
alafikara : ' Vindication precise des affections dont un Buddha 
acte independant, affections qui sont au nombre de dix-huit, nous 
est fourni par la glose d'un livre appartenant aux Buddhistes de 
Ceylan,' &c. Subhilti gives the right reading as manapassavana ; 
cf. Childers, Notes, p. 12. 

Vaha, which Dr. FausboU translates by ' equi,' may be vaha, 
'undae.' Cf. Suttanipata, v. 1034. 

344. This verse seems again full of puns, all connected with the 
twofold meaning of vana, ' forest and lust/ By replacing ' forest ' 
by ' lust,' we may translate : ' He who, when free from lust, gives 
himself up to lust, who, when removed from lust runs into lust, 
look at that man,' &c. Nibbana, though with a short a, may be 
intended to remind the hearer of Nibbana. The right reading is 
nibbanatho ; see Childers, Notes, p. 8. 


345. Wise people do not call that a strong fetter 
which is made of iron, wood, or hemp ; far stronger 
is the care for precious stones and rings, for sons 
and a wife. 

346. That fetter wise people call strong which 
drags down, yields, but is difficult to undo ; after 
having cut this at last, people leave the world, free 
from cares, and leaving desires and pleasures behind. 

347. Those who are slaves to passions, run down 
with the stream (of desires), as a spider runs down 
the web which he has made himself; when they 
have cut this, at last, wise people leave the world, 
free from cares, leaving;- all affection behind. 

348. Give up what is before, give up what is 
behind, give up what is in the middle, when thou 
goest to the other shore of existence ; if thy mind 
is altogether free, thou wilt not again enter into 
birth and decay. 

349. If a man is tossed about by doubts, full of 
strong passions, and yearning only for what is de- 
lightful, his thirst will grow more and more, and he 
will indeed make his fetters strong. 

350. If a man delights in quieting doubts, and, 
always reflecting, dwells on what is not delightful 

345. Apekha, apeksha, 'care;' see Manu VI, 41, 49 ; Suttani- 
pata, V. 37; and (rataka, vol. ii. p. 140. 

346. Paribba^, i.e. parivra^; see Manu VI, 41. 

347. The commentator explains the simile of the spider as 
follows : ' As a spider, after having made its thread-web, sits in 
the middle, and after killing with a violent rush a butterfly or a fly 
which has fallen in its circle, drinks its juice, returns, and sits 
again in the same place, in the same manner creatures who are 
given to passions, depraved by hatred, and maddened by wrath, 
run along the stream of thirst which they have made themselves, 
and cannot cross it,' Sec. 


(the impurity of the body, &c.), he certainly will 
remove, nay, he will cut the fetter of Mara. 

351. He who has reached the consummation, who 
does not tremble, who is without thirst and without 
sin, he has broken all the thorns of life : this will be 
his last body. 

352. He who is without thirst and without affec- 
tion, who understands the words and their interpre- 
tation, who knows the order of letters (those which 
are before and which are after), he has received his 
last body, he is called the great sage, the great 

353. ' I have conquered all, I know all, in all con- 
ditions of life I am free from taint ; I have left all, 
and through the destruction of thirst I am free ; 
having learnt myself, whom shall I teach ?' 

354. The gift of the law exceeds all gifts ; the 
sweetness of the law exceeds all sweetness ; the 
delight in the law exceeds all delights ; the extinc- 
tion of thirst overcomes all pain. 

355. Pleasures destroy the foolish, if they look 
not for the other shore ; the foolish by his thirst for 
pleasures destroys himself, as if he were his own 

352. As to nirutti, and its technical meaning among the Bud- 
dliists, see Burnouf, Lotus, p. 841. FausboU translates ' niruttis 
vocabulorum peritus,' which may be right, if we take nirutti in the 
sense of the language of the Scriptures. See note to verse 363. 
Could not sannipata mean sawhita or sannikarsha ? Sannipata 
occurs in the 6'akala-pratii-akhya, but with a different meaning. 

353. Cf. Suttanipata, V. 210. 

354. The dhammadana, or 'gift of the law,' is the technical 
term for instruction in the Buddhist religion. See Buddhaghosha's 
Parables, p. 160, where the story of the Sakkadevara^a is told, 
and where a free rendering of our verse is given. 


356. The fields are damaged by weeds, mankind 
is damaged by passion : therefore a gift bestowed 
on the passionless brings great reward. 

357. The fields are damaged by weeds, mankind 
is damaged by hatred : therefore a gift bestowed on 
those who do not hate brings great reward. 

358. The fields are damaged by weeds, mankind 
is damaged by vanity : therefore a gift bestowed on 
those who are free from vanity brings great reward. 

359. The fields are damaged by weeds, mankind 
is damaged by lust : therefore a gift bestowed on 
those who are free from lust bring^s crreat reward. 




360. Restraint in the eye is good, good is restraint 
in the ear, in the nose restraint is good, good is re- 
straint in the tongue. 

361. In the body restraint is good, good is re- 
straint in speech, in thought restraint is good, good 
is restraint in all things. A Bhikshu, restrained in 
all things, is freed from all pain. 

362. He who controls his hand, he who controls 
his feet, he who controls his speech, he who is well 
controlled, he who delights inwardly, who is collected, 
who is solitary and content, him they call Bhikshu. 

363. The Bhikshu who controls his mouth, who 
speaks wisely and calmly, who teaches the meaning 
and the law, his word is sweet. 

364. He who dwells in the law, delights in the 
law, meditates on the law, follows the law, that 
Bhikshu will never fall away from the true law. 

365. Let him not despise what he has received, 

363. On artha and dharma, see Stanislas Julien, Les Avadanas, 
I, 217, note; 'Les quatre connaissances sont; i^ la connaissance 
du sens (artha) ; 20 la connaissance de la Loi (dharma) ; 3° la con- 
naissance des explications (niroukti) ; 40 la connaissance de I'intel- 
ligence (pratibhana).' 

364. The expression dhammaramo, 'having his garden or de- 
light (Lustgarten) in the law,' is well matched by the Brahmanic 
expression ekarama, i.e. nirdvandva (Mahabh. XIII, 1930). Cf. 
Suttanipata, v. 326 ; Dhammapada, v. 32, 


nor ever envy others : a mendicant who envies 
others does not obtain peace of mind. 

366. A Bhikshu who, though he receives Httle, 
does not despise what he has received, even the 
gods will praise him, if his life is pure, and if he is 
not slothful. 

367. He who never identifies himself with name 
and form, and does not grieve over what is no more, 
he indeed is called a Bhikshu. 

368. The Bhikshu who acts with kindness, who is 
calm in the doctrine of Buddha, will reach the quiet 
place (Nirva;2a), cessation of natural desires, and 

369. O Bhikshu, empty this boat ! if emptied, it 
will go quickly ; having cut off passion and hatred, 
thou wilt go to Nirva;^a. 

370. Cut off the five (senses), leave the five, rise 
above the five. A Bhikshu, who has escaped from 
the five fetters, he is called Oghati;^;m, * saved from 
the flood.' 

371. Meditate, O Bhikshu, and be not heedless ! 
Do not direct thy thought to what gives pleasure, 
that thou mayest not for thy heedlessness have to 
swallow the iron ball (in hell), and that thou mayest 
not cry out when burning, ' This is pain.' 

367. Namariipa is here used again in its technical sense of 
mind and body, neither of which, however, is with the Buddhists 
atman, or * self.' Asat, ' what is not,' may therefore mean the same 
as namarupa, or we may take it in the sense of what is no more, 
as, for instance, the beauty or youth of the body, the vigour of the 
mind, &c. 

368. See Childers, Notes, p. 11. 

371. The swallowing of hot iron balls is considered as a punish- 
ment in hell; see verse 308. Professor Weber has perceived the 


372. Without knowledge there Is no meditation, 
without meditation there is no knowledge : he who 
has knowledge and meditation is near unto Nirva^^a. 

373. A Bhikshu who has entered his empty house, 
and whose mind is tranquil, feels a more than human 
delight when he sees the law clearly. 

374. As soon as he has considered the origin and 
destruction of the elements (khandha) of the body, 
he finds happiness and joy which belong to those 
who know the immortal (Nirva;2a). 

375. And this is the beginning here for a wise 
Bhikshu : watchfulness over the senses, contented- 
ness, restraint under the law ; keep noble friends 
whose life is pure, and who are not slothful. 

376. Let him live in charity, let him be perfect 
in his duties ; then in the fulness of delight he will 
make an end of suffering. 

377. As the Vassika plant sheds its withered 
flowers, men should shed passion and hatred, O ye 
Bhikshus ! 

378. The Bhikshu whose body and tongue and 
mind are quieted, who is collected, and has rejected 
the baits of the world, he is called quiet. 

379. Rouse thyself by thyself, examine thyself by 
thyself, thus self-protected and attentive wilt thou 
live happily, O Bhikshu ! 

380. For self is the lord of self, self is the refuge 
of self ; therefore curb thyself as the merchant curbs 
a good horse. 

right meaning of bhavassu, which can only be bhavayasva, but 
I doubt whether the rest of his rendering is right, for who would 
swallow an iron ball by accident ? 

372. Cf. Beal, Catena, p. 247. 

375. Cf. Suttanipata, v. 337. 


381. The Bhikshu, full of delight, who is calm in 
the doctrine of Buddha will reach the quiet place (Nir- 
va;2a), cessation of natural desires, and happiness. 

382. He who, even as a young Bhikshu, applies 
himself to the doctrine of Buddha, brightens up this 
world, like the moon when free from clouds. 

381. See verse 368. D'Alwis translates, 'dissolution of the 
sahkharas (elements of existence).' 




T,S^. Stop the stream valiantly, drive away the 
desires, O Brahma/^a! When you have understood 
the destruction of all that was made, you will under- 
stand that which was not made. 

384. If the Brahma;za has reached the other shore 
in both laws (in restraint and contemplation), all 
bonds vanish from him who has obtained knowledge. 

385. He for whom there is neither this nor that 
shore, nor both, him, the fearless and unshackled, 
I call indeed a Brahma^m. 

386. He who is thoughtful, blameless, settled, 
dutiful, without passions, and who has attained the 
highest end, him I call indeed a Brahma/^a. 

387. The sun is bright by day, the moon shines 
by night, the warrior is bright in his armour, the 
Brahma;?a is bright in his meditation ; but Buddha, 
the Awakened, is bright with splendour day and 

388. Because a man is rid of evil, therefore he is 
called Brahma^^a ; because he walks quietly, there- 
fore he is called Sama;^a ; because he has sent away 
his own impurities, therefore he is called Pravra^ita 
(Pabba^ita, a pilgrim). 

385. The exact meaning of the two shores is not quite clear, 
and the commentator who takes them in the sense of internal and 
external organs of sense, can hardly be right. See verse 86. 

388. These would-be etymologies are again interesting as show- 
ing the decline of the etymological life of the spoken language of 
[10] k 


389. No one should attack a Brahma;2a, but no 
Brahnia;/a (if attacked) should let himself fly at his 
aggressor! Woe to him who strikes a Brahma/^a, 
more woe to him who flies at his aggressor ! 

390. It advantages a Brdhma^a not a little if he 
holds his mind back from the pleasures of life ; when 
all wish to injure has vanished, pain will cease. 

391. Him I call indeed a Brahma^za who does 
not offend by body, word, or thought, and is con- 
trolled on these three points. 

392. After a man has once understood the law 
as taught by the Well-awakened (Buddha), let him 
worship it carefully, as the Brahma/za worships the 
sacrificial fire. 

393. A man does not become a Brahma;^a by his 
platted hair, by his family, or by birth ; in whom 
there is truth and righteousness, he is blessed, he is 
a Brahmawa. 

394. What is the use of platted hair, O fool ! what 
of the raiment of goat-skins ? Within thee there is 
ravening, but the outside thou makest clean. 

395. The man who wears dirty raiments, who is 

India at the time when such etymologies became possible. In 
order to derive Brahmawa from vah, it must have been pronounced 
bahma;^o ; vah, ' to remove,' occurs frequently in the Buddhistical 
Sanskrit. Cf. Lal.Vist. p. 551,1.1; 553, 1. 7. See note to verse 265. 
390. I am afraid I have taken too much liberty with this verse. 
Dr. Fausboll translates, ' Non Brahmawae hoc paulo melius, quando 
retentio fit mentis a jucundis.' 

393. Fausboll proposes to read^a^/^a (^atya). 'Both' in the first 
edition of my translation was a misprint for ' birth.' 

394. I have not copied the language of the Bible more than 
I was justified in. The words are abbhantaran te, bahiraw 
parima^^asi, ' interna est abyssus, externum mundas.' Cf. G'ataka, 
vol. i. p. 481. 

395. The expression Kisan dhamanisanthatam is the Sanskrit 


emaciated and covered with veins, who lives alone 
in the forest, and meditates, him I call indeed a 

396. I do not call a man a Brahma;2a because of 
his origin or of his mother. He is indeed arrogant, 
and he is wealthy : but the poor, who is free from 
all attachments, him I call indeed a Brdhma/^a. 

397. Him I call indeed a Brahma;^a who has cut 
all fetters, who never trembles, is independent and 

398. Him I call indeed a Brihma;2a who has cut 
the strap and the thong, the chain with all that per- 
tains to it, who has burst the bar, and is awakened. 

399. Him I call indeed a Brahma;^a who, though 
he has committed no offence, endures reproach, bonds, 
and stripes, who has endurance for his force, and 
strength for his army. 

400. Him I call indeed a Brahma/^a who is free 
from anger, dutiful, virtuous, without appetite, who 
is subdued, and has received his last body. 

kn'szm dhamantsantatam, the frequent occurrence of which in the 
Mahabharata has been pointed out by Boehtlingk, s. v. dhamani. 
It looks more Hke a Brahmanic than like a Buddhist phrase. 

396. From verse 396 to the first half of verse 423, the text of 
the Dhammapada agrees with the text of the VasisliMa-Bharadva^a- 
sutra. These verses are translated by D'Alwis in his Nirvawa, 
pp. 113-118, and again by Fausboll, Suttanipata, v. 620 seq. 

The text contains puns on k\nka.ndi, which means ' wealth,' but 
also 'attachment;' cf Childers, s. v. 

398. D'Alwis points out a double entendre in these words. 
Nandhi may be either the strap that goes round a drum, or en- 
mity; varatta may be either a thong or attachment; sandana 
either chain or scepticism; sahanakkamam either due order or 
all its concomitants ; paligha either bar or ignorance. 

399. The exact meaning of balanika is difficult to find. Does 
it mean, possessed of a strong army, or facing a force, or leading 
a force ? 

k 2 


401. Him I call indeed a Brahma;za who does 
not cling to pleasures, like water on a lotus leaf, like 
a mustard seed on the point of a needle. 

402. Him I call indeed a Brahma;^a who, even 
here, knows the end of his suffering, has put down 
his burden, and is unshackled. 

403. Him I call indeed a Brahma;/a whose know- 
ledge is deep, who possesses wisdom, who knows 
the right way and the wrong, and has attained the 
highest end. 

404. Him I call indeed a Brahma/za who keeps 
aloof both from laymen and from mendicants, who 
frequents no houses, and has but few desires. 

405. Him I call indeed a Brahma/2a who finds no 
fault with other beings, whether feeble or strong, 
and does not kill nor cause slaughter. 

406. Him I call indeed a Brahma/^a who is tole- 
rant with the intolerant, mild with fault-finders, and 
free from passion among the passionate. 

407. Him I call indeed a Brahma;^a from whom 
anger and hatred, pride and envy have dropt like 
a mustard seed from the point of a needle. 

408. Him I call indeed a Brahma;/a who utters 
true speech, instructive and free from harshness, so 
that he offend no one. 

409. Him I call indeed a Brahma;2a who takes 
nothing in the world that is not given him, be it 
long or short, small or large, good or bad. 

410. Him I call indeed a Brahma;^a who fosters 
no desires for this world or for the next, has no incli- 
nations, and is unshackled. 

405. On tasa and thavara, see Childers, s. v., and D'Alwis, Nir- 
vawa, p. 115. On da«</a, 'the rod,' see Hibbert Lectures, p. 355, 


411. Him I call indeed a Brahma/za who has no 
interests, and when he has understood (the truth), 
does not say How, how ? and who has reached the 
depth of the Immortal. 

412. Him I call indeed a Brahma;/a who in this 
world is above good and evil, above the bondage of 
both, free from grief, from sin, and from impurity, 

413. Him I call indeed a Brahma^^a who is bright 
like the moon, pure, serene, undisturbed, and in 
whom all gaiety is extinct. 

414. Him I call indeed a Brahma?2a who has tra- 
versed this miry road, the impassable world and its 
vanity, who has gone through, and reached the other 
shore, is thoughtful, guileless, free from doubts, free 
from attachment, and content. 

415. Him I call indeed a Brahma;/a who in this 
world, leaving all desires, travels about without a 
home, and in whom all concupiscence is extinct. 

416. Him I call indeed a Brahma;^a who, leaving 
all longings, travels about without a home, and in 
whom all covetousness is extinct. 

417. Him I call indeed a Brahma;^a who, after 
leaving all bondage to men, has risen above all 

411. Akathahkathi is explained by Buddhaghosa as meaning, 
' free from doubt or hesitation.' He also uses kathafikatha in the 
sense of ' doubt' (verse 414). In the Kavyadarja, III, 17, the com- 
mentator explains akatham by katharahitam, nirvivadam, which 
would mean, ' without a katha, a speech, a story without contra- 
diction, unconditionally.' From our passage, however, it seems as 
if kathafikatha was a noun derived from kathahkathayati, ' to say 
How, how?' so that neither the first nor the second element had 
anything to do with kath, 'to relate;' and in that case akatham, 
too, ought to be taken in the sense of ' without a Why.' 

412. See verse 39. The distinction between good and evil 
vanishes when a man has retired from the world, and has ceased 
to act, longing only for deliverance. 


bondage to the gods, and is free from all and every 

418. Him I call indeed a Brahma^^a who has left 
what gives pleasure and what gives pain, who is 
cold, and free from all germs (of renewed life), the 
hero who has conquered all the worlds. 

419. Him I call indeed a Brahma;^a who knows 
the destruction and the return of beings everywhere, 
who is free from bondage, welfaring (Sugata), and 
awakened (Buddha). 

418. Upadhi, if not used in a technical sense, is best trans- 
lated by ' passions or affections.' Technically there are four upadhis 
or substrata, viz. the kandhas, kama, ' desire,' kilesa, ' sin,' and 
kamma, ' work.' The Brahmawa may be called nirupadhi, as being 
free from desire, misery, and work and its consequences, but not 
yet of the kandhas, which end through death only. The com- 
mentator explains nirupadhi by nirupakkilesa,/ free from sin.' See 
Childers, s. v. nibbana, p. 268 a. 

419. Sugata is one of those many words in Buddhist Hterature 
which it is almost impossible to translate, because they have been 
taken in so many acceptations by the Buddhists themselves. 
Sugata etymologically means 'one who has fared well,' sugati 
means 'happiness and blessedness.' It is wrong to translate it 
literally by 'welcome,' for that in Sanskrit is svagata; and we 
cannot accept Dr. Eitel's statement (Handbook, p. 138) that 
sugata stands incorrectly for svagata. Sugata is one of the 
not very numerous technical terms in Buddhism for which hitherto 
we know of no antecedents in earlier Brahmanism. It may have 
been used in the sense of ' happy and blessed,' but it never became 
a title, while in Buddhism it has become, not only a title, but 
almost a proper name of Buddha. The same applies to tatha- 
gata, lit. 'thus come,' but used in Sanskrit very much like 
tathavidha, in the sense of talis, while in Buddhism it means 
a Buddha. There are of course many interpretations of the word, 
and many reasons are given why Buddhas should be called 
Tathagata (Burnouf, Introduction, p. 75, &c.) Boehthngk s. v. 
supposed that, because Buddha had so many predicates, he was, 
for the sake of brevity, called ' such a one as he really is.' I think 
we may go a step further. Another word, tadrzja, meaning 


420. Him I call indeed a Brahma;2a whose path 
the gods do not know, nor spirits (Gandharvas), 
nor men, whose passions are extinct, and who is 
an Arhat (venerable). 

421. Him I call indeed a Brahmawa who calls 
nothing his own, whether it be before, behind, or 
between, who is poor, and free from the love of the 

422. Him I call indeed a Brahma;2a, the manly, 
the noble, the hero, the great sage, the conqueror, 
the impassible, the accomplished, the awakened. 

423. Him I call indeed a Brahma^^a who knows 
his former abodes, who sees heaven and hell, has 
reached the end of births, is perfect in knowledge, 
a sage, and whose perfections are all perfect. 

talis, becomes in Pali, under the form of tadi, a name of 
Buddha's disciples, and afterwards of Buddha himself. If applied 
to Buddha's disciples, it may have meant originally ' such as he,' i. e. 
his fellows ; but when applied to Buddha himself, it can only mean 
'such a one,' i.e. 'so great a man.' The Sanskrit marsha is 
probably the Pali mariso, which stands for madiso, Sk. madr/.fa, 
' hke me,' used in Pali when a superior addresses others as his 
equals, and afterwards changed into a mere title of respect. 


The figures of this Index refer to the numbers of the verses. 

Abhasvara, gods, 200. 

Agni, worshipped, 107, 392. 

A^atajatru, defeated by Prasena^it, 

Akanish//6as, 218. 

Akiw/^ana, 87. 

Akko^k/A, I. 

Amata (am/-/ta), the immortal (Nir- 
vana), 21. 

Animitta, 92, 93. 

Anivejana, 40. 

Anujaya, foundation, root, 338. 

Apastamba, Dharma-sutra, 39, 96, 

Appamadavagga, 21. 

Arahantavagga, 90. 

Arahat, and Ariya, 164. 

Ariya, the elect, 22, 79. 

— etymology of, 270. 

Artha and dharma, 363. 

Arupadhatu, 218. 

Asava, asrava, 253. 

Asava, khi«asava, 89. 

Asrava, 39. See Asava. 

Ajoka, 21. 

Ajraya, 89. 

Atharva-veda, 96. 

Attavagga, 157. 

Atula, 227. 

Avadana, legend, etymology of, 183. 

Avasa, monastery, 72, 302. 

Avassuta, 39. 

Avr/ha, 218. 

Balavagga, 60. 

Bee, emblem of a sage, 49. 

Bhikkhuvagga, 360. 

Bhikshu, a mendicant, 31, 32, 72, 75, 
266, 267. 

Bhikshu, different from Sramana. and 
Brahmawa, 142. 

Bhovadi, arrogant, addressing vener- 
able people by bho ! 396. 


Bhuri, knowledge, 282. 
Bodhiru/^i (508-511 A.D.), 294. 
Bodhyanga. See Sambodhyanga, 89. 
Brahmajalasutta, 153. 
Brahman, above the gods, 230. 
Brahman, with Mara, 105. 
Brahmawa, with 5rama«a and Bhik- 
shu, 142. 
Brahma«a, etymology of, 388. 
Brahma«avagga, 383. 
Buddha's last words, 153, 154. 

— commandments, 183, 185. 
Buddhavagga, 179. 

Convent (avasa), 73, 302. 

Dah, to burn, not sah, 31. 
DaWanidhana, 142, 405. 
Daw^avagga, 129. 
Death, its dominion, 86. 

— king of, 170. 

Dhamma, plur., forms, things, 279. 
Dhamma, plur., three of the five khan- 

dhas, vedana, sa;7/7a, and safi- 

khara, i. 
Dhammadana, 354. 
Dhammatthavagga, 256. 
Dhanapalaka, 324. 
Dharma, explained, i. 
Dhatu, eighteen, 89. 
Digambaras (Gainas, followers of 

Mahavira), 141. 
Dipa, island (arhatship), 25, 26. 
Dipa, dvipa, island, 236, 238. 
Dipaiikara, 236, 238. 
Dipavawsa, 21. 
Disciple (sekha), 45. 
D\tt/A, drishn, heresy, 164. 
Divyavadana, 141, 149. 
Drinking, 247. 

Eightfold, the way, 191, 273. 
Elephant, Buddha, 320. 




Fetters of life, 345, 346, 350. 

Fire, worshipped by Brahmans, 107, 

Flowers, with and without scent, 51, 

Four truths, 190, 273. 

Gandharva, 104. 

Gatha, loi. 

Gathasangraha, 183, 

Gods, 94, 200. 

Gold pieces, 186, 230 (nekkha). 

Good and evil bear fruit, 119-122. 

Gotama, 296. 

Graha, gaha, 251. 

Gainas, 104, 141. 

Gambu river, gold of it, 230. 

Garavagga, 146. 

Gataka, 9, 33, 35-39, 72, i49, 158, 

179, 187, 285, 294, 306, 345. 
Ga;a, sign of 5aiva ascetic, 141. 

Hair, platted, of Brahmans, 393, 394- 
Hatred, how it ceases, 3, 4. 
— ceases by love, 5. 
Hitopadeja, 129. 

Immortal place, 114. 
Immortality and death, 21. 
Indra's bolt, 95. 
Island (dipa), 25, 26. 

Kakajura, 244. 

Kali, unlucky die, 202. 

Kalya«amitra, 78. 

Kanakamuni, 183. 

Kasava, kashaya, yellow dress, 9. 

Kathasaritsagara, 125. 

Kavyadarja, 411. 

Kiliw/Ai, klish/a, 15. 

KisagotamT, 45. 

Kodhavagga, 221. 

Kuja, grass, 311. 

Kuja grass, for eating with, 70. 

A'ittavagga, 33. 

Lalita-vistara, 39, 44, 46, 153, 251, 

2^54, 275, 282, 320, 326, 388. 
Lankavatara-sutra, 294. 
Lily (lotus), its purity, 58, 59, 
Lokavagga, 167. 
Lotus leaf, water on it, 401, 

Made and not made, 383. 

Maggavagga, 273. 
Maghavan, Indra, 30. 
Mahabharata, 9, 44, 87, 92, 96, 129, 


200,202, 223, 227, 248, 275, 287, 

306, 364, 395. 
INIahaparinibbana-sutta, 39, 153. 
Mahavawsa, 21. 
Mahavastu, quotes Dharmapada, and 

Sahasravarga, 100, 
Mahavira, 141. 
Malavagga, 235. 
Mallika, 54. 
Mandhat/v, 185. 
INIanu, laws, 71, 96, 109, 131, 150, 

251, 320, 345, 346. 
INIara, the tempter, 7, 8, 34, 37, 40, 

46, 57, 105, 175, 274, 276, 337, 

iNIilk, turning suddenly, 71. 
jMiracles, Buddha's view of, 254. 
jNIithila, 200. 

Muni, etymology of, 268, 269. 
Mustard seed, on a needle, 401, 407. 

Nagavagga, 320, 

Nakedness, 141. 

Namarupa, mind and body, 221, 367. 

Nibbuta, nirvr/ta, freed, 89. 

Niraya, hell, 306. 

Nirayavagga, 306. 

Nirukti, 363. 

Nirva«a, 23, 32, 75, 126, 134, 184, 
203, 204, 218, 225, 226, 285, 
289, 323, 368, 372, 374. 

Nishkashaya, free from impurity, 
play on word, 9. 

Old-in-vain, 260. 
Overcome evil by good, 223. 

Paki««akavagga, 290. 

Pakkhandin, praskandin, 244. 

PaWitavagga, 76. 

Papavagga, 116. 

Paragamin, 85. 

Pare, 01 ttoAXoi, 6. 

Parjvanatha, 141. 

Path, the evil and the good, 17, 18, 

Patricide, 294. 
Piyavagga, 209. 
Platted hair, 141. 
Prapa/z^a, 254. 
Prasena_g-it, defeated by A^atajatru, 



Pratibhana, 363. 

Pratimoksha, 183, 185. 

Pravra^, 83. 

Pravra^ita, etymology of, 388, 

Proverbs, 96. 

Puns, 283, 294, 295, 305. 

Pupphavagga, 44. 

Ra^a, dust, passion, 313. 
Ramayawa, 129. 

Sacrifice, wortliless, 106. 
Sahassavagga, quoted in Mahavastu, 

Sahita=:Tipi/aka, 19. 
St. Luke, 130. 
St. Matthew, 252. 
St. Mark, 157. 
Sama«a, etymology of, 265. 
Sama;7/?a, priesthood, 20. 
Sambodhyahga, 89. 
Saw/sara, 60. 

Sawskara, conception, 202. 
— the five skandhas, 202. 
Sawyutta-nikaya, 69. 
Sanatsu^atiya, 21. 
Sankhara, creature, 255. 
Sankhata, 70. 
Siiflgtid, perception, 202. 
Sara, truth, reality, 1 1 . 
Sati, smnti, intense thought, 91. 
Sayanasanam, jayanasanam, 185. 
Self, lord of self, 160, 165. 
Seven elements of knowledge, 89. 
Shore, the other, 85, 384. 
— the two shores, 385. 
Sindhu horses, 322. 
Skandha, body, 202. 
Snowy mountains, 304. 
Spider, 347. 

Spoon, perceives no taste, 64. 
Sugata, Buddha, 285,419 (welfaring). 
Sukhavagga, 197. 

Suttanipata, 20, 61, 87, 125, 141, 142, 
170, 185, 205, 239, 306, 328, 

339, 345, 353, 3^4, 375, 39^- 

5akala-pratijakhya, 352. 
Sunya, 92. 

5vetambaras (Gainas, followers of 
Parjvanatha), 141. 

Tabernacle, maker of, 153. 

Tagara, plant, 54. 

Taittiriya-arawyaka, 96. 

Tawhavagga, 334. 

Tathagata, 254. 

Tathagatas, are preachers, 276. 

Ten evil states, 137. 

Thirty-six passions, 359. 

Thought, word, and deed, 96. 

Thoughts, their influence, i. 

Tirthankara, 104. 

Tonsure, 264. 

Trijara«a, 190. 

Trividhadvara, thought, word, and 

deed, 96. 
Twin-verses, i. 

Ukku/ika, see Utkamkasana, 141. 
Uncreated (akata), 97. 
Upadana, 20. 
Upadhi, 418. 
Upadhiviveka, 203. 
Upama, aupamya, 129. 
Upasarga, misfortune, 139. 
tJrdhvawsrotas, 218. 
Utka/ukasana, sitting on the hams, 

Vaha, horse, or vaha, wave, 339. 

Vana, forest and lust, 283. 

Vasish^/ja-Bharadvag-a-sutra, 396. 

Vassika flower, 377. 

Vassiki, flower, 55. 

Vedana, sensation, 202. 

Videha, king of, 200. 

Vi_§-;7ana, knowledge, 202. 

Vimoksha, freedom, 92, 93. 

Vinaya-pi/aka, 28, 307. 

Vishwu-sutra, 9. 

Vijvabhu Tathagata, 49. 

Viveka, separation, retirement, 7 5, 87, 

Works, good, 220. 
World, the next, 176. 
— of the gods, 177. 

Yama, 44, 45, 235. 

Yama's messengers, 235. 

Yamakavagga, i. 

Ye dhamma, &c., 183. 

Yellow dress, 9, 10, 307. 

Yon'uab, truly, thoroughly, ^26. 

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